Perspectives on the Eritrean-Ethiopia Relations and Outcomes

By Girma W. Senbet

PART IV (continued)

 

TPLF’s relations with the separatist movements of Eritrea

 

 

TPLF’s relations with the Eritrean separatist organizations (ELF and EPLF) were initially cordial with frequent common military operations against the campaigns of the derg. The campaigns, launched through Tigrai were usually blocked before entering the provincial territory of Eritrea. But during the course of this collaboration, things were not as smooth as the TPLF had expected. The first encounter of hostility with the ELF was due to the conflict between the TLF (Tigrai Liberation Front) and TPLF. The TLF, which had intimate contacts and military operations with the ELF (among others the bombing of Wabi Shebelle Hotel, the Municipality building and Bole Airport in Addis Ababa), was suddenly overran during festivity to celebrate on the merger of the two organizations and got its leaders murdered by the TPLF. The TPLF sent its delegates to explain this incident and the ELF was allowed to make its own investigations, by interrogating those few who were held in custody. The ELF was not fully satisfied with what it found out about the arrests and killings. Further, the ELF started arming its own militia and organizing people of Eritrean origin in the border areas and was levying heavy taxes on them. In addition to this, the ELF was trying its best to annex Ethiopian territories by declaring the whole of Adiabo as part of Eritrea and was allowed to administer and stay in these areas as part of a concession with the TPLF. Though relations started deteriorating between these two organizations, they made joint military operations against the derg until the end of 1978. The TPLF was allowed to pass through the ELF controlled areas to the Sudan, obtained automatic and semi-automatic rifles, while the TPLF donated to the ELF cars, bulldozers, generators, etc. But at the end of 1979, when the TPLF made a raid upon the EPRP, the ELF in support of the EPRP made a counteroffensive in places such as Wolkait and Gemhalo (it was a carnage scene during the war 1998-2000). Due to the internal contradictions and wars between the Eritrean separatist movements, the EPLF took advantage of this situation and launched its offensive against the ELF in direct cooperation with the TPLF. The ELF, which was recognized as a democratic organization by the TPLF, was finally sent to rest in the Sudan after being in the Eritrean war drama for more than 15 years.

 

Based on the principled stand of support and unity with Eritrean separatists against the enemy and recognizing the EPLF as a democratic organization (basically on their stand against feudalism, imperialism and zionism), the TPLF was eager sometimes to the extent of begging, to have extensive collaboration with the EPLF. Tigrigna “revolutionary songs” were dedicated to the Eritrean fighters and mothers and political manifestations and orientations about the new type of Ethiopian colonialism were carried out throughout Tigrai. Dissent on this issue was equal to death and members were entirely recruited depending on their views associated to this question. Haughty as they are and knowing the total servitude of the TPLF to the Eritrean cause, the EPLF started searching for stronger organizations such as the EPRP (this organization too has had numerous declarations and communiqués with the EPLF) as a corporate and future partner in Ethiopia. But after the disappearance of the EPRP and ELF from the scenes, the strained relations among them began to thaw. The EPLF needed someone to cover and protect the vast tracts of the Sahel trenches, which was earlier occupied by the ELF. Many TPLF fighters were trained in military combat and were given education on “the colonial history of Eritrea”. These new recruits were used as canon fodders to the repeated military campaigns of the derg. Many were sent to the Sahel fighting areas as frontline combatants without even having prior knowledge of the terrain. Only God knows how many of our countrymen, who thought that they were fighting against the injustice of the derg, died in the Sahel desert to save the EPLF for the sole cause of Eritrea! The “sixth”, “secretive” and “northern star”, etc. campaigns of the derg were all aimed at annihilating the EPLF. However, these campaigns were foiled thanks to the TPLF’s participation giving the EPLF the upper hand to intensify its war against the derg and control more areas in Eritrea. The TPLF leadership is culpable for this act of being an accomplice to and should be held responsible for the bloodshed among Ethiopians (the derg’s army and TPLF’s soldiers) in order to liberate Eritrea.

 

The TPLF was also in conflict with the EPLF based on ideological and military strategy and operations. The main discord include:

1. The stand taken by the EPLF on the Soviet Union as a socialist country while the TPLF characterized it as a socio-imperialist country
2. Use of mobile guerilla warfare vis-à-vis defensive force concentration at Nakfa, where the TPLF used to come and rescue the EPLF from the derg’s carnage
3. The repeated talks of the EPLF with the derg, keeping the outcomes secret and tight without exposing the nature of the negotiations
4. On the creation of a united Eritrean front with the EPLF stressing on a unified army under common military strategy, while the TPLF was on the contrary against this idea based on its assessment of the politico-economic and societal classification of workers and peasants in Eritrea. In a class society should, says the TPLF, the workers and peasants have the right to create worker’s party with its organizational freedom within this united front comprising the bourgeoisie, petty bourgeoisie and others.
5. The EPLF’s stand on the call for united front in Ethiopia, stating that TPLF’s view about this front to be against the Soviet Union and derg is an open invitation to the direct interference of American imperialism in Ethiopia, and
6. According to the EPLF, TPLF’s declared program on self-determination up to secession should be abandoned unless it includes democratic unity as the only option. (Reply to the EPLF’s radio program in the leaflet by the TPLF “Great leap forward” March 1985,)

 

These above points gradually led to the deterioration of the relations between these two organizations, with the EPLF declaring total withdrawal from its military agreement in confronting the derg’s 8^th military campaign in Tigrai. In a meeting, summoned by the TPLF in order to discuss and settle all the above issues in Khartoum, the EPLF delegates walked out of the meeting telling the TPLF that they had no agenda to discuss with the TPLF and they should not expect any cooperation whatsoever in the future. These were not the only major “betrayals” by the EPLF as the TPLF or many others wanted to describe them. With the focus of the whole world on the Ethiopian famine during 1984-85 trying to help the starving people of Ethiopia and especially Tigrai, which was off the limits due to the war with the derg, the EPLF suddenly closed its territories, the only available road transport for relief aid from the Sudan to Tigrai. This inhuman act of this fascist organization angered not only the Tigrean fighters and people but also many aid agencies and governments. The TPLF therefore was forced to move most of the needy, old as small through unprotected areas to the Sudan. derg’s bomb planes killed many people and others succumbed to their injuries and malnourishment. As for the TPLF, this terrifying famine had another outcome. It led to an economic boom for the TPLF through its organization the Relief Society of Tigray (REST) (now managed by EFFORT), which in the name of the Tigrean people earned millions of dollars and hundreds of trucks. Much of the thousands of tons of wheat, cereals, edible oil, etc received through donations were sold and resold to fill TPLF’s coffers.

 

Though thousands of its rank and file soldiers were against any kind of cooperation with the EPLF and even threatening to direct their arms against the EPLF, the mischievous leaders of the TPLF once again started recasting a new strategy on how to tackle the impasse. They encouraged new groups of “progressive and communist-oriented” Eritreans (Sagem and Democratic Movement for the Liberation of Eritrea (DMLE), both splinter groups from the ELF) to operate within their territories as an alternative force to the EPLF. They were allowed to organize Eritreans within Tigrai, recruit Eritreans, who fled from the EPLF’s and derg’s forced conscription, carry on political activity, etc. The TPLF was also active in organizing and giving orientations about Eritrea to Eritreans, living in Tigrai and those who escaped from the towns and the EPLF, to join hands and liberate themselves from the colonial rule of Ethiopia. Eritreans, coming to the liberated areas of Tigrai were gathered kept separate (not to mingle with Ethiopians) and were exclusively given generous reception. The reason given was that Ethiopians should show penitence for the enormous suffering of Eritreans and therefore the TPLF was obliged to give special treatment and hospitality to these foreigners. After the fall of the derg in 1991, the two groups Sagem and DMLE established headquarters in Mekelle, but were abandoned when the TPLF concluded an agreement with the EPLF in 1992 not to support each other’s opponents. EPLF’s killing squads murdered some members of these groups in Ethiopia and others fled to Europe or elsewhere.

 

Be that as it may, the TPLF broke the ice again and held a meeting with the EPLF in 1988 in Khartoum to draw a common strategic military operation against the Mengistu regime. TPLF soldiers were involved in many battlefields in Eritrea, while the only significant part the EPLF participated in was the battle of Shire Endaselassie. The notorious 604^th corps, which was the pride of the derg in Endaselassie, according to both fronts’ assertion, was a threat not only to the lifeline supply routes within Eritrea but also to almost all the liberated areas in Tigrai. Following this battle, the derg’s army was cut and isolated inside Eritrea, through which no logistics and military hardware could be supplied or reach the army in Tigrai and Eritrea from Begemidr. The derg was practically incapacitated, opening the way for repeated aggressions from the part of the EPLF in Eritrea and TPLF in other parts of Ethiopia, bringing the final downfall of the derg in May 1991. TPLF soldiers were helpful in liberating Dekemhare, Assab, Massawa and Adi Keyih and a small contingent of armored unit of the EPLF also followed the whole way to Addis Abeba. EPLF’s only gratitude was to set on fire the military hardware, worth millions of dollars and thereby exposed the lives of thousands of people to the danger of explosions and fire in Gotera sefer. Mengistu, the dictator for 17 years in power sneaked out into exile to Zimbabwe through Kenya in May 1991.  His remaining bunch of officers, who took state power were not able to administer the country for a mere ten days. US Ambassador Herman Cohen chaired the negotiations in London among the stakeholders, i.e., TPLF (Meles), EPLF (Issayas) and OLF (Lencho). This was the opportune moment, when the TPLF could have got concessions on Ethiopia’s right of access to the sea. But, the  “chief negotiator” and “representative” of Ethiopia, who fought all his life for the liberation of Eritrea, turned a deaf ear to the cry for the access to the sea. The alarmingly serious strategic port and sea issue was completely downplayed and Meles arbitrarily recognized the de facto independence of Eritrea without convening Ethiopians to discuss this emergency situation! Ethiopia, which had enjoyed hundreds of years (except the temporary Italian occupation of Eritrea) of maritime ownership, was finally left landlocked to be blackmailed and humiliated at the hands of Eritreans. The subversive acts of the TPLF leadership that pervade Ethiopia threatens the very existence of Ethiopia by turning it into a landlocked nation, which is permanently vulnerable to the whims, blackmails and pressures by all its enemies.

 

Creation of Satellite Organizations and the Independence of Eritrea

The TPLF, knowing that it could not alone handle the justification of Eritrean secession and independence, started almost in a state of panic looking for accessories to its pro-Eritrean stand. One of the first groups to fall prey for the TPLF’s despicable maneuver of aligning an Ethiopian organization in its misbegotten plan for liberating Eritrea was the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (EPDM), which renamed itself as Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM) after the fall of the derg. This organization had fallen out from the EPRP, when the TPLF attacked the EPRP throughout 1978-1980 in both Tigrai and Begemidr. This small unit of fighters caught between the devil and deep sea preferred to adjust its party program according to the orders of the TPLF. The leaders being under the patronage of the TPLF had no distinctive political views or organizational freedom to make their own statements. In short they were a slavish imitation and yes men of the TPLF. They were simply there to serve as an undercover to facilitate for the TPLF to widen its influence and operation in the Amhara areas. Its army recruits were mostly from the Agaw society in Begemidr. Its chairman Tamrat Layne, Prime Minister during the transition period 1991-1995 and Deputy Prime Minister & Head of Economic Affairs in the PM's Office 1995-1997, was a henchman who as late as 1990 in a TV-interview to a journalist stated commitment to the introduction and adoption of Albanian-type of socialism in Ethiopia. Tamrat Layne, hailed and praised for his outstanding contribution to the “Revolution” by President Meles (1991-1995) and Prime Minister since 1995, is now serving 17 years’ imprisonment for alleged corruption. Second in the hierarchy of this submissive organization is Bereket Simon, an Eritrean by birth who occupies a key position as the head of the Ministry of Information.

 

Other organizations were created by the TPLF, mainly from the captives or POWs of the derg army. These include, the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO) serving as a counterpoise to the independent and diehard group of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Progressive Officers’ Movement of Ethiopia (POME), which are now incorporated either into the OPDO or ANDM and have high positions in the respective organizations and in the military apparatus. The new party leader and defense minister General Abadula Gemeda (a renamed Oromo, turned civilian) belongs to this category of people. By organizing these complaisant organizations, the TPLF leadership wanted to kill two birds with one stone, i.e., legalize the secession of Eritrea by anchoring its stand in these satellite organizations and secondly take over the state power. A new “coalition force” in the name of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Force (EPRDF) was created in 1989 with unswerving loyalty to the designed ideas and aspirations of the TPLF leadership. Meles who was already a chairman of the Marxist Leninist League of Tigrai (MLLT) and the TPLF became once again the chairman of the EPRDF. When the TPLF/EPRDF entered the streets of Addis Ababa and control of the country, it immediately organized a political conference on July 1-5, 1991. Suddenly, 21 domestic groups and organizations under all types of “liberation fronts” were convened to decide on the fate of the country with Meles presiding the conference. This was done to justify what the TPLF leadership fought for, i.e., to secede Eritrea and assist the EPLF in looting Ethiopia and rebuilding its infrastructure.

 

Issayas was invited to the conference as an external honorary observer to witness how   Eritrea was served to him on a silver platter without any conditionality attached to the claim of ownership to the Afar Red Sea coast, the nerve center of Ethiopia. Instead, without any conclusions of formal negotiations and agreements, the same leadership told the people of Ethiopia that Ethiopia got an eternal solution to its status as a landlocked country in the name of free ports in Eritrea. What then came out after some years was that Ethiopia was pouring billions of borrowed money to use the ports in Massawa and Assab, while rebuilding and refurbishing the same by depleting Ethiopian meager state budget. Ethiopian lorry drivers were in frequent harassment and agonies. Ethiopian citizens used to complain on the score of maltreatment. On the other scale of the balance, Eritreans were allowed to have dual citizenship, create a state of their own within another state (Ethiopia), exploit the country without any hinder, carry on illegal transactions and black-marketing, become exporters of coffee without any single coffee plant of their own, work in sensitive and key government positions (banks, military installations and surveillance, in PM’s office as advisers, etc.), borrow money in millions, obtain fuel from the refinery in Assab at 20-30% lees than the cost of what Ethiopians paid for, abduct, kill and imprison people of both Ethiopian and Eritrean origins, smuggle goods, etc. Expatriate Eritreans, who as voter cardholders of the EPLF’s sham referendum were allowed to enter Ethiopia as esteemed guests and enjoyed services Ethiopian citizens could never access. While these Eritreans were allowed to use the Birr as exchange currency for all types of services, expatriate Ethiopians were obliged to pay in hard currency (often double or triple to what it cost in Birr). To add insult into injury, Afars who consider themselves Ethiopians and wanted to join Ethiopia, were annihilated in a combined and well-organized military campaign by both the EPLF and TPLF. This must be a travesty of justice of the highest degree in the history of modern states that a people who recognize itself as citizens belonging to one state to be attacked by that state. People, who want their fate to be determined through self-determination and whose direct kinship is with the Ethiopian Afars were and are rejected by a government, whose sole aim should have been respect and defense of its own citizens. Sawa, the hatching center and abattoir of Eritrean army youth, was ceremoniously inaugurated in the presence of Meles Zenawi. Issayas’ track record as a haymaker was known to the Ethiopian regime. He started brandishing swords and muscle flexing against his neighbors, the tiny Djibouti, Sudan and Yemen. As a move in their endeavors to become Horn of Africa’s hegemonies, Issayas got generous donations from Meles in the form of military hardware, such as military helicopters and MIG fighter planes, long-range missiles, canons, trained pilots, etc. In December 1995, when Issayas occupied the Hanish islands, Meles supplied documents and map evidences that support the territorial claims of Eritrea and even argued for direct involvement in the war on the side of Eritrea against Yemen according to a synoptic leak by his ex-comrades. There was also a joint Ethiopian-Eritrean military operation, a “holy alliance” of “brand-new African leaders” against the “Islamic and terrorist” State of the Sudan to both act as coalition partners in a global fight against fundamentalism and help liberate Southern Sudan from Al-Turabi, President Bashir and their “gangs of destabilization”.

 

The President of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi wrote an application to the UN Secretary Genral Boutros Boutros-Ghali to accept Eritrea as its new member state. Eritreans, abroad and even those residing in Ethiopia were told to go to the polling booth and vote among the alternatives “slavery” with red or “liberty” with green voting papers. No protest or any dissatisfaction against this formulation was ever voiced by the Ethiopian regime. Eritreans voted with 98.2%! What a success to the TPLF leadership and the EPLF! The Master of Ceremony during the inauguration and celebration of the independence of Eritrea in May 1993 and the person who apologized in the name of Ethiopians for their misdeeds against Eritreans was no one other than Meles Zenawi. Meles also praise Issayas as the source of all knowledge. People do remember when he was cited as having said that meeting and talking with Issayas for a few hours was better than reading books.

 

Meles Zenawi’s mission was partly accomplished with the unconditional secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia. What is difficult to comprehend is why the Ethiopian political leadership turned into yes-men and became part in this treacherous act against our beloved nation.  This is a typical case of folly. A folly born out of power that corrupts and alters one’s ego. Leaders surrounded by yes-men, who adulate “the knowledgeable and great leader of the country, whose existence is impossible without his vision and wisdom” and all sorts of back scratching, are out of realities and without contact with the people or their constituencies. “Power breeds folly; that the power to command frequently causes failure to think; that the responsibility of power often fades as its exercise augments. The overall responsibility of power is to govern as reasonably as possible in the interest of the state and citizens. A duty in that process is to keep well-informed, to heed information, to keep mind and judgment open and to resist the insidious spell of wooded-headedness. If the mind is open enough to perceive that a given policy is harming rather than serving self-interest, and self-confident enough to acknowledge it, and wise enough to reverse it, that is a summit in the art of government.”7 The folly as contrary to reason belongs to the category of self-imprisonment in the argument of “we-have-no-alterative and we-are-completely-right”. The nature of this folly in the case of Ethiopia can be brought from a parallel example about the conquest of Mexico by the Spanish conquistadors. When the Spanish invaders, 600 men in ship, guns and horses advanced into the interior of the Aztec Empire, the king Montezuma summoned his council, some urging resistance, while others argued a friendly welcome. Instead, he sent splendid gifts displaying his wealth and urging them in soft language to return to their homeland. Carrying the gifts of jewels, textiles, featherwork and two huge plates of gold and silver as large as cart wheels and encouraged by the weakness indicated in the letter, Cortés the leader of the conquistadors marched on. Montezuma never tried to stop them. On the contrary he greeted them with pompous ceremony to be escorted to the palace and got all the hospitality with even more wealth and gifts. He put Montezuma under house arrest and the Aztec army, which outnumbered their captors by a thousand to one, submitted and Mexico was ruled for the next 300 years. The same was the relations of Eritreans to Ethiopia. They got everything, every bounty and booty thanks to the egregious folly in the Menelik palace. Issayas, praising his military might of defeating “Africa’s biggest army” went so far as declaring Ethiopia to have learnt its lesson for the coming 100 years. But how far did it go? Were there mechanisms to avoid this carnage and one of the greatest calamities that claimed more than 70,000-100,000 lives on both sides?

 

The 1998-2000 war and its aftermath

Much has been said and written by prolific writers and legal experts about this sanguinary war and the present specious stalemate about the decisions of the Ethiopian Eritrean Border Commission. Though the war was concluded with Ethiopia as the victor and could have had its terms accepted, the same leadership has since the signature of the Algiers agreement 12 Dec. 2002 tried to fool the Ethiopian people. It must be the first time in the history of warring nations of the world that a victorious nation on the war front voluntarily gives up its own territories and allows instead an “independent” commission to decide its fate (in favor of being re-examined by an “independent” commission). The country is still stumbling around a permanent siege of war and its meager resources could have been used for development, had Ethiopia repudiated the Algiers agreement and pursued the dictator in Asmara. When the whole world, Ethiopians, media folk and governments were expecting the reoccupation of Assab and the surroundings as the only gateway to the outside world, the PM a commander of the armed forces with extraordinary talent went and declared the war to be finished off within the coming 24 hours. The leadership, which always praises itself as wise and visionary, wants to show its devotion to international law by connecting the conflict with Eritrea to the fight on poverty so that it again recedes the territories to the Eritrean regime. The usual garrulous PM with his unbridled tongue has been active in downplaying the territories and the right of access to the sea as well as showing his utter contempt for Ethiopia. “We are not nationalists, whereas Eritreans are”, “Badme is a godforsaken village, Badme is not about a territory”, “Let Assab be kept by Eritreans as a watering hole for camels”, “we didn’t fight for territories, we fought for the rule of law”, “it is always difficult to rule poor countries such as Ethiopia”, “we don’t need to fight for our territories, we should instead fight to get rid of poverty, otherwise Ethiopia will disintegrate as Somalia, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Afghanistan”, “we don’t regret our collaboration with Eritreans (EPLF)”, etc. are among others some of the opprobrious and morbid imaginations and statements by the PM. A PM entitled to lead the highest office of a country is threatening with disintegration of a country he is supposed to rule! In order to divert from the real issues of war and its consequences, the Ethiopian regime has been making up imaginary concepts, such as “Bonapartism”, “Revolutionary democracy” (worth to comment on the two books in the future), “fast economic growth á la Korea” and “foreign relations and the status of Ethiopia” followed by never ending meetings and evaluations (gimgema). Trapped in between its deception of winning on the war front as well as its diplomatic success in obtaining all the occupied territories and even more territories as announced to the Ethiopian people in April 2002 and the decision made by the EEBC to hand over Badme and parts of the central sector in Irob, the regime is now fervently asking for a face-to-face negotiation with Issayas. The Eritrean as well as the Ethiopian regimes in close collision with their masters are working against the clock and looking forward to finally legalize the border demarcation and seal off Ethiopia for ever, knowing the fact that the Ethiopian people do not accept any traitorous agreement in its name.

 

The war in 1998 was predictive and could have been prevented from bringing such a disaster to the nation and people of Ethiopia. Though indications and warnings of saber-rattling and assault of arms along the border were coming from all sides, Meles in an interview 2 months before the occupation of Issayas army of Badme, Irob and Bure, accused people of spreading rumors from liquor houses. He disparaged the warnings. Instead, he described the relations between both peoples as written by blood.8 No army and no militia were there to protect the country from the aggressors. The Sawa recruits and veteran fighters of the EPLF armed cap-à-pie had only to march through the no mans land of Ethiopia. For the first time since the 1935 Italian fascist aggression, Ethiopian soil was left at the hands of their fascist followers. Ethiopians were displaced to live in caves and makeshift shelters and live from handouts for the whole two years. Knowing the flighty nature of Meles and the agreements between them, Issayas had time and again demanded a dialogue between them, while occupying Ethiopian territories. Had it not been for the true Ethiopians’ pressure, Meles who showed reluctance could not have called the Ethiopian parliament a rubberstamp of his group to declare war. Negotiations on border issues were not carried out by representatives of legal groups from Ethiopia but were still conducted by the higher echelon of the front functionaries of both the EPLF and TPLF. This was part and continuation of the deal from their years in the bush. At least many people know that some areas, such as Gulomekada and Irob were to some extent delimited and even demarcated on the ground by both representatives of the fronts before the start of the war.

 

The TPLF was aware of the maps distributed both by the EPLF and ELF, which included all those parts that were occupied during the 1998-2000 by the EPLF. This was also mentioned in Meles’ demagogical book "The Eritrean people's struggle from where to where", stressing on the need for a memorandum of understanding about the border issue. “There should be understanding about the border between Eritrean and Ethiopian organizations. In order to implement the border issue, it should be based on historical accounts. If they (the organizations) cannot enter into final terms of understanding, there is no reason why they should start fighting. Until the people accepts the final resolution, the organizations should have a temporary and general working plan and agreement.” Is this formulation new for the TPLF leadership? But the Ethiopian people were told that Eritreans “stabbed us in the back” or sometimes statements to the extent of vulgarity as “they caught us with our pants down” in the presence of the diplomatic community in Addis Ababa.

 

Two years of occupation were two years of horrific and traumatic ordeals for the Ethiopian people. School children were cluster-bombed in Mekelle, aid receivers were killed in Adigrat, people in Irob, Gulomekada and Badme were abducted, killed, tortured, and homes were looted and destroyed, churches and mosques desecrated, Ethiopians, residing in Eritrea were burned alive, incarcerated in dungeons and mental homes, etc. Tens of thousands of Ethiopians (preliminary estimation is about 300,000 since 1991) were forced to leave Eritrea with their belongings confiscated and robbed. Now, the Ethiopian regime has gone so far as to accuse members of its party to be responsible for the repatriation of Eritreans to Eritrea and is allowing now those EPLF supporters including outlaws, who bled Ethiopia from within to return and get reemployed and occupy important positions within its administration or conduct their usual businesses. What is surprising is that at least the Ethiopian Eritreans in Eritrea are working tirelessly to safeguard the interests of Eritrea by all means necessary. Those responsible for these misguided policies and lack the sagacity of running Ethiopia are still at the helm of power and are simply getting away with the betrayal of trust. Instead those patriots, who day and night fought to liberate the country from the aggressors, are languishing in prison cells, dismissed from their posts, ostracized from the society and are harassed by the security. Though better late than never in debunking the present leaderships’ conspiracies and chicaneries, credit must go to those patriots who in unison with the Ethiopian people dislodged and punished the occupation army of the EPLF. The explanations of why the Ethiopian regime didn’t go so far and overthrew the Issayas regime and helped the Red Sea Afars in reoccupying their own territories, is very hard to believe and even contemplate. The explanations given were among others, “We don’t want to have another Somalia in our vicinity”, “Helping the Afars would mean destabilization in Djibouti”. Since the end of the war in 2000, examples of antithesis are abundant in today’s Ethiopia. A traitor has become a hero and a hero has become a criminal, a robber is innocent and a guiltless is guilty, a war strategist is a coward and a coward is hailed as a liberator, a chairman of the communist league and a staunch communist is a liberal and a liberal is a diehard communist, a fiend is a kind person and a dictator is a democrat, victory on the war front has turned into defeat and defeat on the border delimitation has been announced as victory, etc.

 

Now the decisions on delimitation and demarcation by the EEBC, a selected body of five lawyers by both Eritrea and Ethiopia except the chairman has deliberated its ruling on the border. The Algiers agreement stipulates that whatever the decisions of the EEBC might be, there is no room for amendment. Its decisions are final and binding and it is this document the PM of Ethiopia signed under with the USA, EU and AU as guarantors of peace. Ethiopia, which lacked real representatives at this high judicial body went so far as to testify without rhyme and reason in written statements that both Tserona and Fort Cardona (see EEBC decision), though belonging to her according to the defunct colonial agreements with Italy, were given to Eritrea. Ethiopian lawyers, historians, cartographers, etc. could have been called in to fight for and represent their country. Instead the regime made use of foreigners, bought in millions to say what the regime told them to do. No wonder that some members of the UN and experts assert that Ethiopia had no one to argue for its case.

 

Instead, the regime sent its cadres to convince the Ethiopian people that what it fought for was the rule of law and not to gain territories comprising of few hamlets with 60 huts like the case in Badme. The regime wants to dwell on the rule of law as if impartial and correct judgment was passed by the EEBC9. One third of the Irob and Gulomekada areas have never been an issue to the regime. Had it not been for the revelations by Reverend Abba Tesfamariam Baraki, Dr. Ghelawdeos Araia and the Irob Community in North America, TISJD and many Ethiopians whose contributions are astounding and encouraging, the destiny of these territories would have been kept in oblivion. The self-sacrifice of our compatriots who in unison rose up to defend the territorial integrity from a fascist neighbor, according to Meles’ logic was only meant to show a lesson on how the rule of law was applied for protective measures. This implies that about 50,000 Ethiopians died for no purpose and aim. It was obvious for Ethiopians that it was the TPLF leadership, which gave birth to all the mismanagement of policies vis-à-vis Eritrea and the war. But this leadership is again showing its usual ingratitude and arrogance against the same people, which saved it from being chased after either by the EPLF armed gangs, which itself organized in Addis Ababa or by the anger and frustrations of the Ethiopian people as opposed to its catastrophic resolution of the Eritrean issue. 

 

Concluding remarks

Looking into the background and the history since the inception of the TPLF and the practical deeds of the Ethiopian regime, there is no way to give it the slightest benefit of doubt. It has shown now and again that it is not amenable to advice and is highly adamant to veracious pleas and views. It furiously castigates, slanders and vituperates people, knowing that its arguments do not hold water. The regime is bent on destroying the social fabric and existence of Ethiopia. Ethiopians have been kept and will be kept without having any say or any participation or insight into the ongoing discussions so that the secret agreements would proceed as usual. It is ready to break the ice, find amicable settlement and normalize its relations with the Eritrean regime. This regime is also renowned for its face-saving public relations gimmick employing its monopoly of the media and its cadres throughout the world.  But it should be absolutely clear for this regime that the agreement or treaty to be concluded is not between real representatives of Ethiopia and Eritrea. It is between two regimes that have no interests of the people at heart. This obdurate regime beyond all disputes cannot and is not capable of fulfilling the aspirations and desires of the Ethiopian people. The regime has shown since the time of its struggle against the derg, that it is overtly committed and will continue to be so to Eritrea for the coming years. Meles as the leader of the TPLF/EPRDF and then as the President and PM of Ethiopia has worked hard and showed his true nature and intentions in supporting and strengthening Eritrea at the cost of Ethiopia. Never has Ethiopia been as weakened, impoverished, humiliated and disordered as it is now under the present regime of the TPLF/EPRDF. Never has so self-centered rulers so effectively forwarded self-interest as the present leadership of Ethiopia, while throwing the people into a permanent despair and agony. Never has an Ethiopian leader inculcated the feelings of self-contempt and inferiority in the minds of the Ethiopian people. The sovereignty of the country is under the blackmailing of foreign forces. “Leave your territory, barren land not worth fighting for and we will build you a state-of-the-art village or there will not be any aid” has become the hallmark of the threats by these forces. These pressures will sooner or later result in treaties, exposing Ethiopia for a constant harassment by proxy through these tiny neighbors. Therefore, it is high time for Ethiopians to work together so that any future treaties entered by this regime are corrected and that Ethiopia’s reputation as a great nation is revived among the comity of the nations of the world and that its territorial integrity and sovereignty are thoroughly established and respected. As Tecola Hagos stated “The very independence of Eritrea is an illegal activity carried out by two individuals and their supporters with no consideration of the future of millions of people”10.  Ethiopia, which never ratified the boundary treaties with Italy, must abrogate the forcibly annexed and unilaterally drawn borders of the fascist ploy. The annex to both treaties of 1896 and 1900 clearly state to whom the lands under Italy’s occupation (Eritrea) belong and what their future disposition should be if Italy decided to hand over them. The owner of these territories as stipulated in the treaties is unquestionably Ethiopia. The Ethiopian ruler gave them in a goodwill gesture to Italy.11

 

Eritrea is now a failed state and as Paul Henze once wrote, Eritrea is in need of renewed UN administration. Eritreans acclaimed Issayas, the butcher of Nakfa, king. Now they are suffering from the aftereffects of the war, which they unanimously supported and funded, believing that Issayas would gain the upper hand and control and subjugate Ethiopia. They voiced daydreams of selecting an alternative candidate from different ethnic backgrounds to rule Ethiopia of their creation. That is now history thanks to the resoluteness of Ethiopians to safeguard their country and let the Eritreans live in their mythical world of pasta and luxurious villas, testing an Italian lifestyle through the crumbs from the Arab League. But, as always Eritrea has been used by some Arab states and other foreign powers to destabilize Ethiopia and will be used in the future and therefore, due caution is necessary for any future Ethiopian government. Strangulating Ethiopia “for ever” is not going to bring any peace in the region.

 

According to the UN’s statistical survey on population growth, the total population of Ethiopia is estimated to be 125 million in the year 2025. This is an enormous task and challenge for the would-be Ethiopian governments to tackle the social, economic and political situation of this third populous African country. Ethiopians must unite their forces and address both today’s and future needs of the people and the country. By respecting the democratic rights and equality of the nationalities, where cultures, languages and common histories enrich the every day life, Ethiopia will once again reach its zenith of prosperity. It is after all unity in diversity (not according to the formula of the communist thugs), which has given Ethiopia its far-reaching echo as the citadel of human origin and civilization. Ethiopians both abroad and at home should not fall prey for the regime, be on the payroll or serve as a tool in its “divide and rule” policy. Opportunist elements, concealed behind fine words and titles should not be allowed to put wedges between our people. Ethiopians, whenever and wherever they are, have to realize that they have the obligation and responsibility to fight evil, injustice, treasonous acts, corruption, etc. and defend the sovereignty and survival of our nation. We have to unravel truth and reverse historical falsifications and manipulations, forwarded by this regime so that Ethiopians remain proud and glorious of their historical past. Everyone has to be the mouthpiece of the downtrodden, poor and those petrified with terror, having no possibility of standing up against the oppressive organs of the state. Once again Ethiopia will prevail over its external and internal enemies.