COMMENTARY

Perspectives on the Eritrea-Ethiopia relations and outcomes
By Girma W. Senbet
Nov 3, 2003
PART II

Fascism and the reunion of Eritrea with Ethiopia
The second episode started with the rise of Mussolini during the 1920s and his ambitions of creating a new Roman empire, which exacerbated the mindset of Eritreans, challenging their very existence as a black and proud people. Fascist native youth groups, brainwashed by the Italian propaganda and experiments of self-negation, had proven successful in the glorification and adulation of a white “supremacy”. Extreme servitude, total oblivion of ones own heritage and utter contempt for other Africans was the core of this experiment. The remolding or remodeling of human beings in a span of 60 years could not have been possible if it had not been for the poisonous and fatalistic fascist ideology of racial or hierarchical groups’ absolute destiny to rule and its unequal division of the people among the human race. Mussolini, now armed with chemical weapons, tanks, warplanes, thousands of Italians and askaris launched on October 3, 1935 from both Eritrea and Italian Somaliland without any declaration of war, with his “let’s civilize Ethiopia” motto, slaughtering and poisoning hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians. No one came to the rescue of Ethiopia and no one even dared to condemn this fascist aggression. Three days after the invasion, the League of Nations unanimously declared Italy as an aggressor but took no effective and immediate action. Subsequently, ban on armaments was declared on both the aggressor and the aggressed.

This war was a breach to and in contravention of the Treaty of Addis Ababa signed by Italy in 1896 immediately after its defeat at Adwa, recognizing Ethiopia as a sovereign nation. Therefore, all treaties entered with Italy after this fascist war, are null and void. This includes the misconceived so-called treaties of 1900, 1902 and 1908, which Menelik entered under pressure and intimidation. The illegal means under which fraud and deception pertinent to these treaties gave rise, such as bribes, theft, “contract of land sales”, encroachment, etc. were immediately nullified by the fascist invasion. Accepting these so-called treaties at face value and trying to legalize the illicit so-called treaties by any Ethiopian government is a treasonous act against the laws of the Ethiopian state, the interests of its people and its very existence as a nation.

For the consecutive 5 years, Ethiopians fought the fascist white and black soldiers in successful ambushes, isolated incidents, major and minor wars without giving the aggressors a respite from war and to govern the “territories of Italian East Africa” from Addis Ababa by the fascist viceroy Marshal R. Graziani, who replaced the fascist commander of the war Marshal P. Badoglio. A year into his appointment and the failed assassination attempt by Abraha Debotch and Moges Asgedom (Ethiopians of Mereb Melash citizens) against Graziani, the Italians and their askaris executed more than 30,000 civilians in only few days, mostly younger and educated Ethiopians and burned down thousands of residential houses in Addis and its vicinity. Racial as well as tribal partition, residential segregation and favoritsm of certain groups in the society was enforced at all levels of administration in Ethiopia. This policy was already successfully exercised in Eritrea, where the first ever apartheid system on African soil was constructed and introduced. The natives were not allowed to mix or even visit places within Asmara, such as the campo di stato (known as combishatato by the natives)-today’s parade avenue and pride center of the pretenders to the fascist legacy but yesteryear’s symbol of apartheid. The “lucky” ones were allowed to attend school up to 4th grade only but had no rights of whatsoever other than serving as askaris, maids, servants, translators, dockers or as day laborers in the agro-industries, owned by the Italians. People inhabiting the rest of the territory of Eritrea were not exposed to the Italian “enlightenment or influence or wealth” but were living in abject poverty and nomadic life under extreme conditions. No one should ever forget the true Ethiopians of Eritrean origin, such as Zeray Deres, who in outrage against the humiliation of his country slaughtered fascist supporters on the streets of Rome and many of those same, who fell victim to the fascist onslaught or resisted and fought against the occupation of their country. Blaten Geta Lorenzo Taezaz’s contribution as a foreign minister during the occupation years a are living testimonies of Eritreans, who fought for their motherland, Ethiopia.

With the arrival and “liberation” or “decolonization” of Eritrea by the British with their long reputation and experience in the “divide and rule system”, the third episode in the future contradictions between Eritrea and Ethiopia was implanted. Different extremist organizations inciting nationalist and religious fanaticism started popping up as mushrooms, spreading hatred against each other and Ethiopia all in the name of “democracy” for a people, who had been under the yoke of fascism and never exercised their rights. Ethiopians were demonized and reduced to subhuman levels as imps and barbarians. The “al rabita al islamiya” was archetype for those that started misleading its supporters and campaigning against Ethiopia by disgracing Ethiopia as a land of Christians, despite the fact that Muslims also inhabited. The pro-Italian groups wanted to reinstate and bring back their idols, the Italians and thus recolonize and live a parasitic life. This slanderous group also had to compare the “primitive and feudal “ Ethiopia to their “modern and model” country, Italy. Yet, another group, the so-called independence group (Eritrea for Eritreans) was a small vociferous group, which used to describe Ethiopia as backward, not worthy of the slightest cooperation or co-existence. There was also another pro-British group wanting to stay under the administration of Britain. All these groupings were intentionally created by Britain in its endeavor to gain control over the Anglo-Egyptian-Sudan territory and incorporate the newly granted protectorate of Eritrea. In another attempt, the British started organizing interest groups of “Tigrai-Tigrigni” occupying large tracts of today’s Ethiopia including Tigrai, parts of Wello and Begemidr to stay within the British administration for a time span of 25 years. The fourth and strongest group that emerged was the Unionist Party (Mahber Hadnet), comprising of all members of the Eritrean society, who genuinely wanted to be reunited under the ardent slogan of “mother Ethiopia or death”.

Founded in 1941, immediately after the Italians were kicked out of Eritrea, the members of Mahber Hadnet willingly and consciously began organizing themselves into mass organizations, such as the Patriots’, Women’s and Youth Associations. While the patriots’ were carrying out their political work among the people, the youth was waging an armed struggle attacking and sabotaging the new British occupation army in different locations of Eritrea. Astounding work was done by the Women’s’ Association in gathering and disseminating information, selling their jewelry to finance the struggle to rejoin Ethiopia, etc. Zemen, Ethiopia, Andnet and other publications and newspapers were issued weekly and distributed among the population. Because of reprisals and harassments both from the administration and the extremists, active members were forced to work clandestinely and/or contribute articles to the newspapers under different pennames. No one forgets how the prominent hero and chairman of the “Mahber Hadnet”, the honorary Dejazmatch Hailu Tesfamariam was exiled for two years in the mountains of Nakfa and how Sheik Alamin Abdulkadir, the chairman of the branch organization in the Red Sea was offered money by Italy in exchange for his support to the pro-Italian group. There were also cases of open confrontations between the members and British occupation soldiers. Among the ardent supporters of the Unionist Party was also Woldeab Woldemarim, an Adwa-born individual, who later became discontented with his position in the federation and converted to an anti-Ethiopian. Surprisingly, he an Ethiopian has been canonized after his death, as a saint of the Eritrean “liberation struggle” by the head-priest Issayas. All the groups mentioned, except the Unionist Party used to seduce people into hating Ethiopia, intimidate true supporters of Ethiopian unity and fob the people off with iniquitous arrogance under the protection of the British, without any reciprocity from the Ethiopian side to meet these allegations and mudslinging. The British in order to control and administer Eritrea were also putting a wedge among the various ethnic groups of Bilen, Tigre, Saho, Kunama, BenAmir, Christians and Muslims and even among the Tigrigna speakers of Seraye, Hamassien and Akele Guzai. This deep-rooted hatred is still prevalent. The now praised hero and legend of the “liberation struggle” Idris Awate, was a notorious hoodlum and brigand during the British rule. He used to foray and assassinate the Christian Kunamas and is still regarded as a gangster and enemy by the generations of the Kunama people.

The UN, which had a mandate to settle the Eritrean problem, came up with many diverting views and suggestions, mainly to accommodate the British standpoints. The proposals forwarded were the following:

  • partition of Eritrea and incorporation of its Islamic lowland to the Sudan, which was under the British rule while the Christian highlands to Ethiopia,
  • unity with Ethiopia due to its strong cultural, economic and social ties
  • independence advocated by the ex-socialist countries, while leaving access to the sea through the Afar coastline to Ethiopia or
  • new protectorate under the defeated power Italy.

However, the vast majority of Eritreans were for unity as was found out by the independent commission of the UN, except one-two delegates giving differing views promoting self-interest. The US in light of ameliorating the conditions came up with a compromise of a federation system with Ethiopia. Thus, Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia in 1952, having its own “suffrage” and a parliament for its internal affairs. His majesty Haile Selassie in his fervor for reconciliation and trying to accommodate and unite the territory of Ethiopia started preferentially treating and appeasing Eritreans by investing and pumping millions of Birr into the infrastructure and welfare of Eritreans. For the first time, Eritreans were to attend higher education and occupy highly esteemed governmental posts. Key positions in Eritrea were held by such people as the governor Tedla Bairou, who after becoming Ethiopian Ambassador to Sweden in the sixties defected there, General Tedla Uqbit, who was the police chief, Sheiks Suleiman and Ibrahim, Melake Selam Demetros, Harregot Abay and Tesfa Yohannes Berhe to mention few among the many high officials. A grave mistake made during this time was that the reckless and bloodstained war criminals, who in collaboration with the fascists, massacred thousands of innocent Ethiopians and harried the Ethiopian landscape, were never arraigned for crime against humanity. Thus, Ethiopians have never got justice, redemption and recuperation from the unsavory relations with Eritreans. On the contrary, the large influx of Eritreans southward to Ethiopia was on the rise. Ethiopians with their characteristic generosity and politeness welcomed Eritreans with open arms after years of separation. Soon, Eritreans started settling without any hinder in remote villages as in big towns and cities. Small and big enterprises, such as bars and hotels, large agricultural plots, landlords, garages, bakeries, pharmacies, etc. were owned and run by Eritreans. Eritrean youths were encouraged to join the few institutions of higher education, opening more opportunities and prospects of better life than other Ethiopians. It goes without saying that in a relatively short span of time, wealth and Eritreans became synonymous. However, this rapid reintegration and the stability and peace, which prevailed in Eritrea, were not in the interest of anti-Ethiopian elements.

Idris Awate, a staunch Islamist and jihadist and murderer of the Kunamas and other Christians during the British rule and the federation years is hailed as an inspirer of the armed-struggle to liberate Eritrea. The legend of this man as preposterously narrated by the present day leaders begins with a “hero”, who lifted his arms to shoot the first bullet against Ethiopian colonialism on Sept. 1, 1961. This “holiday”, celebrated in present Eritrea every year is not only ludicrous but also symptomatic of the ignorance and misinterpretation of the contemporary history of Eritrea. A malign fundamentalist, opposing the Christian domination of the house of federation and administration of Eritrea with prime objective of destabilizing and creating chaos and destruction, cannot be taken as a hero of the people. He was but a simple shifta and menace to the peaceful existence and prosperity of both peoples. However, far into the years of federation there were hidden conspiracies going on in and around the neighboring Arab countries, Egypt as well as the Sudan. In 1962, when the exiled al-rabita members had convened meetings in those countries, they were promised finance, full co-operation and logistic support. Thus, the first “warriors”, who were dispatched to plunge Eritrea and Ethiopia into violence, bloodbath, destruction, tragedy and despair in contravention to the wishes of the broad and poor masses, had their roots in those conspiracies. These regional hawks and their allies are the roots to the cataclysms of war, devastation and destruction that we are still witnessing today.

The course of events changed in Eritrea, when the federal parliament in 1962 through a democratic vote decided to abolish the federal system and announced its full membership as the 14th province of Ethiopia. All the deputies (about 70) without any reservation either from Christians or Moslems were unanimous in the decision to dissolve the parliament and instead be represented in the Ethiopian parliament. Some may say that this decision was a hoax or may consider it as a pressure exerted on the individual deputies by the Emperor. But, the fact still remains that the decision was taken by Eritreans and for Eritreans to be part and parcel of the Ethiopian Empire. It is to be noted, that neither the UN, former caretaker of Eritrea nor any other government ever voiced concern over the decision taken by the Eritrean parliament to abolish the federation and be united with Ethiopia. From this time on and in legal terms as well, the Eritrean problem was to be considered as internal affairs of the State of Ethiopia. Any negotiation or renegotiation made immediately after the defeat of the derg or the present impasse of delimitation and demarcation should have started by taking into account the arrangements and agreements of 1952 with the UN and the 1962 territorial integrations of Eritrea with Ethiopia. The fourth and last episode contains the contemporary events following the ELF’s, EPLF’s and TPLF’s policy and stance on the actual question of solving the Eritrean problem.
(To be continued)
To read Part I,
click here.


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