I. The TPLF/EPRDF Rule

Objectively evaluating the 12 years rule of TPLF should not be a difficult task. Although the TPLF came to power in 1991 amid promises of a "new era", and a laying of a democratic foundation, the results bear the marks of an incipient dictatorial rule in a garb of democratic trappings. In comparative analysis, one has to acknowledge that TPLF- ruled Ethiopia is radically different in many aspects to the Ethiopia we know in modern history. Thanks largely to the struggle of a large segment of our population over the last four or so decades, today in Ethiopia there are few frills of democracy: there is an independent press locked in a life and death battle with the regime, there are civic associations attempting and making modest impacts on the day-to-day lives of our people, such as the Ethiopian Human Rights organizations (EHRCO and SOCEPP), the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, and the resilient Ethiopian Teachers Association, another civic group which has doggedly engaged in hand-to-hand combat with the regime since the first days of TPLF's rule. On the down side, TPLF-ruled Ethiopia is one where politics has been ethnicized in such a way that the treasured diversity of the nation has been turned into a weapon of mass animosity and the horror stories of interethnic strife, mostly regime instigated, continue unabated. The destitution of the country is at an all time high. The yawning gap between the rich (including the noveaux riches of TPLF millionaires) and the poor is astounding. The country remains, with no hope of climbing out in sight, at the bottom of the rung of the socio-economic ladder among nations of the world. More than ever before, the specter of the otherwise avoidable famine continually hovers over the landmass.

While some regime apologists tell us that democracy cannot be built in a day (or may be in 12 years), for those with an independent judgment, the evidence out there is starkly clear that the TPLF regime is only engaged not in democratizing the country, but in enriching itself, sacrificing the country's vital interests, and trying to continue to cling to power by mass intimidation, subversion, and support organization cloning.

II. Replacing the TPLF Rule

If the above observation holds, then the logical question to follow for the common good of the long suffering Ethiopians is the question of replacing the TPLF regime. This derives from the undisputable fact that any peoples in the modern age are masters of their own destiny, and that they ought to be able to choose their rulers and enshrine the rule of law. Again, some regime apologists have told us that since the TPLF paid huge sacrifices to remove the Dergue regime and was instrumental in its demise, it has garnered the right to ride roughshod over the Ethiopian people. This argument, in particular, in its claim of sacrifices, is absolutely wrong. More importantly, however, no people anywhere have signed away their rights for a self-appointed "liberator". The Ethiopian people have not entered into any agreement with TPLF or anybody else on this matter. If anything, they have time and again struggled to get rid of despotic regimes and these struggles remain at the heart of the democratic quest in today's Ethiopia.

In order for Ethiopians to decide the type of constitution they want and socio-economic programs implemented, there needs to be a level field for competing ideas through the instrument of political parties. The TPLF regime, by monopolizing all mass media and the instruments of state, has adamantly closed the path for peaceful political competition. The recent response to UEDF from Meles Zenawi caps the regime's long-standing position. In light of this, opposition parties in Ethiopia are faced with the not-so-easy task of confronting a fully armed and financed regime to reclaim their rights.

III. UEDF's Minimum Program

The 15 parties in UEDF have one major overarching goal: to submit to the decision of the Ethiopian people for democratic governance. Although each party has its own political program, all the constituent parties have adopted a common minimum program around which they will operate as UEDF. These include the following:

• One-person-one vote
• Equality before the law for all Ethiopians
• Separation of governmental powers
• Human, civic and bill of rights
• The respect for minority and women's rights
• Economic rights, such as access to clean water and food
• A market based economy
• A professional national army independent of any political party

On elections, the UEDF has resolved that it will struggle to create a level electoral field so that the constituent parties can compete in the upcoming federal and parliamentary elections in 2005. The issues that will fulfill fair and free elections, such as an independent election board, international poll observers, and equal access to the media have been specified. If and when these conditions are met, then the UEDF will ensure in coordinating and selecting parties that should run for specific offices and regions to maximize victory for the opposition and advance the democratic struggle.

In order to coordinate and advance its democratic struggle and achieve its short-term and long-term goals, the UEDF engages in diplomatic missions, holds demonstrations, calls mass meetings and mass actions, and works closely with civic groups. It plans to establish a solidarity fund for member organization political prisoners and an emergency fund and networking to mitigate the scourge of diseases, such as AIDS.

IV. The Significance of UEDF

In a poor country like Ethiopia, where the per capita income of the nation continues to revolve around $100, the implication of this destitution to opposition politics is huge. Opposition political parties need human and financial resources to mobilize their followers and the citizenry in the fight for the rule of law. As expected, nearly all political parties have meager resources to deploy for this task. In countries where the middle class has not developed, and where hand-to-mouth existence is the rule rather than the exception, demand for the duties of citizenship takes second place to putting food on the table for the family.

Today, because of the desperation of our people, especially our youth, fleeing the country is considered to be the only sane option to escape the hopelessness and the gloom. Without exaggeration, the future of this nation is at crossroads. All this compels that the opposition movement in Ethiopia needs to engage in collaboration and marshalling of resources in unison in the face of an enemy that has usurped the country and its future. Experience over the last 12 years has shown that the individual efforts of opposition parties, although admirable, have not resulted in the achievement of the main goal, i.e. the removal of TPLF from power and the institution of the rule of law.

Cognizant of the above, the 15 organizations have formed UEDF, and now the young front is getting close to observe/celebrate its first anniversary and takes stock of its achievements and weaknesses, and map out a short term and long term plans. The formation of UEDF was largely, and thankfully, influenced and driven by the Ethiopian people inside and outside of the country. We don't think there is any one out there today that disputes the fact that most Ethiopians want the opposition to stand together and talk and act in one voice to dislodge TPLF and pave the way for multiparty democracy. In its brief existence, UEDF has registered some successes and modestly lived up to expectations. It organized itself in functional committees and laid out a structure to enable it to efficiently discharge its responsibilities. It deployed its officials within Ethiopia and outside to meet with Ethiopians to explain its raison d'etre, to urge Ethiopians to continue to support it, and to remind them of duties as citizens of this unfortunate nation. It formed several support committees in various areas where Ethiopians live. It campaigned diplomatically to make relevant powers aware of the Ethiopian situation. However, all was not fine and dandy. Right from the start, there were some shaky signs that a minority in the front may not have been happy about the developments unfolding in opposition politics in the last few years. And now we turn to this crucial issue in the next section.

V. The Obstructionist Role

At the outset, it is important to preface this section with the statement that disputes and differences are natural occurrences in life. No one can expect, for instance, a unit as simple as a husband and wife, much less a front of 15 organizations to hold identical or even similar views on all the issues and at all times. Again using the metaphor of husband and wife, what strengthens their relationship and enable each to draw inspiration from the other is the premise that they be willing 1) to accept that differences exist; 2) to discuss these differences and not hold them back; and 3) to be cognizant of the fact that the matrimonial relation is the higher good and the resolution of these differences should result in firming up their commitment to each other. This is what family therapists say, and this is what experience bears out. In those rare cases, when serious disagreements arise, the family might engage the services of therapists, or as in our culture, shimagelles, close friends, or spiritual figures.

In anticipation of channeling differences, the UEDF has mapped out a strategy and mechanism for resolving disputes and strengthening itself, including the establishment of the office of shimaggles. As long as there is a higher good, i.e., the necessity of the removal of the entrenched dictatorship in Ethiopia that is blocking the comprehensive socio-economic and political transformation of the country, nothing, absolutely nothing, appears to be beyond the capability of the UEDF officials to resolve; and failing their efforts, the shimaggeles input.

However, this foundational belief is being tested at the moment. In what one gathers to be issues within the realm of solvable problems based on the letters, Ato Hailu Shawul and All Ethiopian Unity Organization leadership seem, however, bent on either bolting out AEUO from UEDF, or at the minimum, create a perennial source of dissention and disaffection within it.

The obstructions thus far played by Ato Hailu and AEUO leadership are expressed in forms of:

a. challenging the minimum program and the structures of UEDF to the adoption of which his organization was a party;
b. complaining that the front's goals are not clearly stated;
c. alleging that the front is replacing individual organizations;
d. faulting the struggle so far as not focused on the upcoming elections
e. objecting to the formation of support committees
f. opposing the establishment and operation of a foreign office in Washington DC, although it was a decision to which AEUO is privy.

Without trying to tackle AEUO leadership's issues here, which we believe the UEDF is ably addressing, our contention is that they need not be issues that should distract the UEDF and continually waste its resources and energy. Any arbiter with a modicum of objectivity can easily rule on most of them by referring to the articles of the UEDF bylaws, regulations and program that representatives of all 15 organizations, including AEUO adopted. In contravention of UEDF's ethics rules, Ato Hailu and the AEUO leadership appear to have decided to disseminate their letters to the Chairman of UEDF through third party websites, that of the TPLF for that matter. This certainly will not help containing contradictions within the family of UEDF and finding solutions in its circle. We understand that the AEUO leadership has spurned the advice and counsel of the office of shimagelles, and they have adamantly clung to their disruptive demands, which, no doubt, would be found by an independent body to lack merit.

In a reminder of an analogous dilemma, a decade or so ago, the African National Congress faced similar issues with the Zulu-based Inkatha Party. Regardless of their common pledge to fight apartheid in unison, Inkatha opted to not only publicize their minor differences, but also took on ANC as the main enemy when the despicable apartheid regime was mowing down thousands of South Africa's black citizens. Many people lost lives as a result of this internecine fighting between the two. ANC suspected all along, and it was later confirmed, Inkatha was working secretly with the apartheid regime to forestall what was perceived by both to be ANC's "rise" to power. The mystery of "the Third Force" was solved.

While, we are not impugning in any way such alliances, critical minds need always to wonder what plausible reasons, if there is any, will deter Ato Hailu and his party from working out their problems with the help of the shimaggeles and join the legitimate struggle and be part of the solution rather than the problem. In contemporary Ethiopian politics, where business interests and political interests appear to easily intersect in some cases, one has to be weary of such logic defying moves. Hopefully, with Ato Hailu's presence at the next UEDF congress (wondering that he was not present at the formation last July), all disputes can be aired out and a more robust plan of action jointly adopted.

VI. Conclusion

The authors of this article do not think the AEUO is justified in repeatedly challenging UEDF and bogging it down in procedural matters and crafting of bureaucratic responses. The front was formed for a bigger and nobler goal. The current Ethiopian situation demands more focused struggle, and not wasting of time on peripheral and tangential issues. Such disputes could have been easily adjudicated if the cases were to be directed to a court. The entity of a front formed by willing parties is a different matter. As we said above, the main driving force was the push from the Ethiopian public. In our view, this is the main guarantor for unity among opposition parties. The Ethiopian people inside and outside should be able to render judgment after carefully studying the issues. Nothing and nobody is bigger than the unity. The Ethiopian people should not underestimate their power. As is already underway in Ethiopia, the people should start making stern warnings to political parties that think they are bigger than the sum and engage in wreaking havoc. They should also get UEDF back on track whenever it slips. The challenges facing our generation are too huge to be simply left to our politicians.