ANALYSIS

Meles Zenawi and the deconstruction of Ethiopia
By Belai Abbai
April 30, 2003
The Consequences of the Algiers Agreement and the EEBC Ruling for (a) the human and political rights violations of the Afar, Irob, Tigray and Kunama peoples and (b) the Deconstruction of the Ethiopian State to create a landlocked Meles State with its New Boundaries are the issues addressed in this paper.

(a) Violations of Human and Political Rights of the Afar, Irob, Tigray and Kunama peoples

On the 21 March 2003 the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) issued its latest Report. The thrust of this Report is a response to Ethiopia’s request to adjust the delimitation to accommodate Ethiopia’s concerns. We are not privy to Ethiopia’s complaint document which is said to be 141 pages long. Yet one can infer from Commission’s response that the Ethiopian side is unhappy with the outcome of the delimitation. Thus Ethiopia’s rulers, it appears, had requested the Commission to reconsider its decision with respect to some areas which were previously under Ethiopian administration. The Commission totally rejected their request for which it gives three basic reasons (see below).

The Commission was set up by the Algiers Agreement and its principal tasks were to delimit and demarcate a new boundary with Eritrea based on the colonial treaties of 1900,1902 and 1908 between Ethiopia and Italy ( Article 4.2) and other provisions of that Agreement. The Commission believes that its Report of 13 April 2002 and its “observations” of 21 March 2003 complete the delimitation task of the new boundary. The Commission gives three basic reasons for rejecting Ethiopia’s request which are reproduced below.

“ (a) first, they knew in advance, and agreed that that the result of the Commission’s delimitation of the boundary might not be identical with previous areas of territorial administration and might follow a course resulted in populations ending upon the ‘wrong' side of the boundary, and where such a situation arose the ensuing problems were for resolution by the UN rather than the Commission (Article 4.16) of the December 2000 Agreement."

“(b) second, the parties knew in advance, and agreed that it was not open to the Commission to make its decisions on the basis of ex aequo et bono considerations (Article 4.2) ;

“ (c) third, they knew in advance, and agreed that the boundary as delimited by the Commissions Delimitation Decision would be final (Article 4.15)

These are strong statements especially coming from lawyers. Not only did the EEBC reject the Ethiopian request but it did so with strong admonitions regarding their conduct in the proceedings. In effect what the above statement means is that the door was intentionally closed by them when they signed the Algiers Agreement and furthermore by the failure of the Ethiopian lawyers and their advisors to present their submissions in time ie before the delimitation report was completed on 13 April 2002. Article 4.2 of the Algiers Agreement makes colonial treaties the sole criterion for delimitation since the provision of ex aequo et bono precludes any other criterion of delimitation including boundaries based on administrative jurisdiction. This leads to serious humanitarian disaster because in cases where, as the report says, colonial and administrative boundary conflict, populations who lived in the areas for centuries will be removed. And the EEBC is saying that the Ethiopians and their advisors fully understood this issue when they approved the removal of such populations as Article 4.16 makes clear. This same provision also makes clear that where this occurs, the UN will come in to solve humanitarian disaster. Moreover, the Commission states that the Ethiopian side agreed to the outcome of the Delimitation Report and the case cannot be reopened since they also agreed that the Commission’s decision will be “final."

Presently, the reason why the Ethiopian rulers are worried is that, after the Delimitation Report came out, they lied to the public saying that Badema was awarded to Ethiopia . Moreover, because the invasion of the town and its environs was the cause of the war, Badema is still on the public radar screen. The Commission is saying that the Ethiopian side have no reason to complain because everything is their own doing. Moreover, it says that their advocates submitted a map which locates Badema to be on the Eritrean side. In this as well as in the Tserona case reported by the Commission in April the Ethiopian side seems to work manifestly against its interest.

In this connection, there is one important issue the significance of which readers of this ‘border drama’ might have missed, to which I would like draw attention. And that is the interpretation of the phrase “under Ethiopian administration” which was raised before the agreement was signed and to which the EEBC alludes to in this Report. Ethiopians understand this phrase to mean “territories under the Ethiopian government administration until 1991” when Eritrea separated and the administrative boundary which refers to that point in time. But that is not what the EPRDR/TPLF mean by it. To them it means the EPDRF/TPLF territorial administration of parts of Tigray only after the Afar Coastal region and the Tach Adiabo Plains were unilaterally handed over by them to Eritrea between 1991 and 1994. In other words it refers to the segment between Badema and Bada. Even in this sector parts of Eastern Egela-Tsorena and some areas near Zalambassa were formally handed over to the Eritreans, according to the TPLF map of 1994. In this regard, definition is important because Ethiopians must know which parts of their territories were given to Eritrea before this agreement came into force and consequently what the Ethiopian rulers mean by the phrase “under Ethiopian administration”.

The Ethiopia of the EPDRF/TPLF excludes territories which were effectively under Ethiopian government administration in 1991 outside Eritrea proper. Ethiopian national interest should have been defended on the basis of two fundamental criteria: first, “territories which were under Ethiopian government administration until 1991” ie the historical Tigray region and the Afar Coastal region and second, the expressed will of the populations supposed to be carved out by the so-called colonial maps. But instead they adopted a parochial Eritrean position based on colonial treaty maps which surrenders not only the Assab Coastal region and Adiabo Plains region including Badema town, but also great chunks of the Central Sector of Tigray East of Belessa A, including traditional districts of Gulomekeda west of the Adigrat-Asmara road, east of the Zalambassa town and finally northern Irob. This fact is plain to any one who can read the maps of the EEBC in conjunction with the historical map of the province. How can they adopt an Eritrean position and defend Ethiopian interests is the question? Right now their incessant propaganda is that they subscribe to the Algiers Agreement but they do not agree to some parts of the Delimitation Decision. It seems that the Commission has seen through their bluff and posturing, and as a result, given a cogent reply much to our dislike of the outcome for Ethiopia.

Another important question is why the UN officials allowed themselves to become a party to a forceful removal of Ethiopians from their ancestral homes, depriving them of their basic human rights?( Article 4.16 ). This issue deserves our particular attention. The import of this provision was made clear when a local Official in Tigray recently stated that the condition in which the Government of Ethiopia will accept the “border ruling” is if and when the Security Council of the UN orders them to do so. In other words, it is not only that “they knew in advance, and agreed” as the EEBC charges them, but they are also actively seeking UN cover for the eviction of populations who are supposedly on the “wrong “ side of the border. The question is, who has the right to declare that the populations are “wrong" to live in their ancestral homes in the land acknowledged as the cradle of Ethiopian history? Is it the Meles-Issayas decision to draw boundary lines around them that makes them wrong to have lived and will continue to live in their ancestral homes? Yet scared of being exposed as traitors by the affected populations, the rulers of Ethiopia want the UN to do the dirty work as Article 4.16 indicates and knowing their criminal act they wish to make it a “a partner in crime” as they succeeded in doing the same with the hired lawyers of the Boundary Commission. The paradox is that the fate of the Red Indians in North America of several centuries ago is being played out in Northern Ethiopia in the 21st century with the acquiescence of the UN. It is a paradox because according to its Charter, the UN is the organ responsible for the protection of fundamental human rights. One wonders what lesson we are expected to learn from the current handling of the forced evictions of Ethiopians? Is the message we are getting that the poor peasants of Ethiopia abused under a gangster regime have no where to go for appeal against violations of their human existence and the denial of their cherished ancient Ethiopian identity? What is going to happen if they say no to eviction? Has the UN cut a deal with the gangster rulers to evict poor peasants from their ancestral homes? Or is the Secretary General of UN going to recommend to the UN Security Council to send troops in order to evict Ethiopians from the land of their ancestors?

Answers to these questions will no doubt present themselves in the months ahead. But it is incumbent upon the authorities including the UN to give advance notice to the populations that are slated to be removed before demarcation, and if they are not willing to be removed then to cancel the Algiers agreement that mandates their removal. Such an advance notice is only fair to all concerned so that if the authorities deny them the right to stay, it will give the Ethiopian public to weigh-in which it had no opportunity before. At the very least, concerned Ethiopians can appeal for justice to relevant International Organizations and Human rights institutions in their behalf. In this regard, Ethiopia’s case has been most ably stated by Tseggai Mebrahtu who is the prominent Specialist in International Law and Jurisprudence. It is, in my view, a required reading for those of us especially concerned with this question.

The rulers of Ethiopia are worried about the political backlash resulting from the eviction of populations in the course of the demarcation process. In this regard their concern is confined broadly to the areas lying within the terminal points which the EEBC calls the Central Sector up to and including Badema. More specifically, they are concerned with the border towns having large populations and which were on the public radar screen during the war against the Eritreans. Badema and other towns are needed for public relations; the rulers are by definition less interested in protecting the populations in the rural areas else they would not have agreed to colonial boundaries that deprive peoples’ rights to their lands. Even in the Central Sector significant areas have been ceded to Eritrea. What people are asking is whether the town of Badema is the only concern of the EPDRF/TPLF regime ? The answer is in the affirmative, because they are only concerned about their public image. The rulers believe that if they can secure Badema town somehow it will be sufficient to hoodwink the public and silence the complaints coming from areas similarly affected With regard to Irob, once they have secured the town of Alitena they were willing to cede it seems the rural areas of northern Irob. There is no other rationale for the present partitioning of Irob since it follows neither treaty which does not apply to it for if that were the case the 1904 Italian Commission could not have been created, nor traditional boundary along the Oma-gade/Endelli river which was confirmed Anelli’s map of 1935 quoted by the EEBC.

(b) The Deconstruction of the Ethiopian State to create a land locked Meles State with its New Boundaries.

So far we raised the human rights issue which is one facet of the problem created by the Algiers Agreement. The other facet of the problem concerns the very survival of the Ethiopian state itself, a point we have emphasized many times before but still worth repeating. This so-called Algiers Agreement cedes Sovereign historic territories to Eritrea of such strategic and political importance without which Ethiopia cannot survive with real independence. The very fact of invoking defunct colonial treaties is to achieve this goal. In other words, the clique at the helm of EPDRF/TPLF have decided to land lock Ethiopia for the benefit of Eritrea; a unique and shameful event in all history. The members of this clique have, as Tsegai Mebratu characterizes them, cleverly managed to penetrate the Tigrai nationalists and lead the movement as “Trojan Horses” to carry out an Eritrean agenda. This is not name calling, as behavioral psychologists have taught, one has to judge them by what they do rather than what they say or whom they claim to represent. And all this destruction of the Ethiopian State which runs counter to the stream of history and Ethiopian identity that he carried out is as a representative of the Tigrai people using the Tigrayan army as fodder to serve Eritrean interests. How on earth could they explain to the Ethiopian army and to the border militia why Ethiopia had to fight a war with Eritrea the only result of which is the loss of Ethiopian blood and the loss of historical districts. And paradoxically, the cause of the war was the invasion of Eritrea of these very districts which as a result of the war Ethiopian troops recovered and then since Meles Zenawi had always believed that ‘colonial treaties were sacrosanct’ he returns these districts to Eritrea on the ground that they were after all Eritrean territories with a straight face and no regret? This is a fact. He had harbored a grudge when the nationalists were prosecuting the war against his will. He came back with a vengeance to reward his beloved Eritrea with his ‘defunct’ colonial treaties as basis for the Algiers Agreement.

Tigray is one of the two foremost ancient provinces of Ethiopia in which the Aksum plateau is the origin of a literary national Geez culture. And moreover Tigray is the one state which unfailingly sacrificed its sons for centuries to fight wars against external aggression in order to protect Ethiopia’s territorial integrity but is now in the grip of the “Trojan Horses” who boast of reversing its culture and alienating its Ethiopian identity as their great achievement. And as if such damage is not enough, they are at this very moment in the business of destroying the Ethiopian State: altering its historic boundaries by ceding Sovereign territories to Eritrea and making the nation land locked by Eritrea. I realize that most Ethiopians have given priority to the politics of power- sharing, but what is power without a country and without a territorial state with secure boundaries having full access to the to the Sea and international waters. This issue is not about internal politics which has to do with power, but rather about Ethiopia’s survival, about having a place in the sun among the free nations of the World.

According to the plan the boundary will soon be demarcated by placing physical markers and stationing UN Peace Keepers to protect the border. Three parallel lines that will never meet will soon be created in the heartland of Ethiopia. Eritrean troops, UN Peace keepers and Ethiopian troops. According to the rulers of Ethiopia this condition will become a permanent feature of the Ethiopian landscape. The Ethiopian State that the “ Trojan Horses” are creating for us will be at the mercy of their beloved Eritrea separated by a kind of “Chinese Wall” of ‘Concrete Pillars’ lined up along newly imposed 1,000-km Eritrea-Ethiopia border from Humera to Asseb. And as in ancient China the Emperors’ Guards continued to watch the Mongols from the “Towers” of the “Chinese Wall” and so will the “International Praetorian Guard” watch their Ethiopian prisoners under the politically correct name of Peace Keepers. The Peace Keepers are supposed to come for a short period but as the history of such cases shows they will remain for ever. Their task is to prevent the population from moving freely in their beloved homeland and from free commerce and intercourse with the nations of the World. That imprisoned Ethiopian nation will have permanent scars all along its imposed border. In the highlands populations will be evicted from their ancestral homes in order to make room for new Eritrean settlers and in the low lands of Afar and Adiabo plains, they will be ‘sold out’ to the Eritreans losing their cherished Ethiopian nationality against the expressed will. This mindless colonial idea of border is based on easy physical features that the ‘alien’ could identify without paying any attention to group identity or history or territorial integrity and will create such tension in these areas that will further reinforce the demand for the Peace Keepers to stay for ever. One shudders to think of the coming of a such an Armaegaddon or the “end of Ethiopian history”.

And moreover such an Ethiopian State cannot be said to have real independence so long as the neighboring State of Eritrea controls its territorial access to the Sea and has an insatiable desire for access to Ethiopian resources. The government of this so-called Ethiopian State will of necessity be a puppet of the Eritrean leaders no matter who or what party leads it. The reason is simple: Eritrea will need Ethiopia’s resources and if the government of a landlocked Ethiopia does not collaborate with it to provide free access to these resources in the manner of its choosing as in the period 1991-97, the strategy of Eritrean rulers will be to destabilize Ethiopia until it accomplishes their goals . For that purpose Eritrea will support separatist organizations and movements such as the Oromo Liberation Front, the Somali Liberation Front and others to promote internal political and economic sabotage in order to make Ethiopia submit to the wishes of Eritrean rulers.

Furthermore, if the Ethiopian state feels necessary to strengthen its defense, both internal and external, it needs to import arms from abroad at which point Eritrea will inevitably impose an Arms Embargo on Ethiopia because it controls all the ports. This is why mere access to the waters of Sea alone is not enough and that ownership of the ports and the surrounding Coast becomes indispensable for Ethiopia. Such an embargo was imposed by Italy and France in 1935 when fascist Italy attacked Ethiopia and again in 1998 when Eritrea attacked Ethiopia. In advocating the Eritrean interest, Meles Zenawi has said that the ports have nothing but sands which are only good for use by camels. Any one who does not see that the intent of that deceptive remark was simply to serve the Eritrean interest by hoodwinking Ethiopian peasants of the fertile highlands who listen to his radio broadcasts, will have to have his or her head examined.

I owe the above insight to my friend the late Zeru Kihishen who more than any one else that I know had given careful thought to the survival of Ethiopia following the creation of an independent Eritrea which owns and controls all the ports along the Red Sea. Hence forth “Ethiopian independence will exist only in name,” he said. That is why the politics of power-sharing which has consumed Ethiopians in opposition should be subordinate to the struggle for the survival of the Ethiopian State and Nation and this goal should receive our utmost attention because as the saying has it, “time waits for no one”. It is self evident that the reversal of this evil, once it takes root, will be an uphill battle. The continuity of history and culture requires that each generation plant the seeds for the coming generation to reap the fruits. We do ourselves great service to remember the sacrifice and the achievement which our fathers and our forefathers made as a result of which our generation lived with dignity, pride and honor.

A synoptic view of the dedication and sacrifice can be appreciated from the list of major battles against the foreign invaders in successive generations of the past few centuries which are given as follows. “The Turkish Ethiopian War” where the Ethiopian army under Tsersa Dengel twice defeated the Turkish invaders led by Ahmed Pasha and his ally Bahr Negash Yishaq at Debarwa in Hamassien (1578); the battle of Gundet in the Mereb against the Egyptians under Yoannes (1875), the battle of Gura again against the Egyptian invaders in Hamassien led under Yohannes (1876), the battle of Dogoali against the Italian invaders under Alula (1887), the battle of Metema against the invasion by the Mahdists under Yohannes after their attack of the City of Gondar (1889), the battle of Adwa against the Italians under Menelik after the enemy invaded Tigre povince (1896), the battle of Maichew, Tembien and Shire /Endaselassie after the fascist invaders crossed the Mereb and bombed the City of Adwa (1935); the battle of Ogaden under Mengistu after the Somali invaders attacked Harer (1978).

These were the historic precedents that inspired the defense of Ethiopia at the battles of Badema, Tsorena and Zalambassa against the Eritrean invaders and paradoxically as the record clearly shows against the personal opposition of Meles, Prime Minister of Ethiopia (1998, 1999). I challenge any one to name any other country which has been surrounded and attacked continuously for three and a half centuries without any reason whatsoever except the greed of outsiders to control its resources motivated by the age-old envy of its natural geopolitical endowment as the source of the Nile and its access to the Red Sea and Indian Ocean.

I have stressed that Ethiopia is a territorial state par excellence. Its history is replete with acts of heroism to defend the state. A state comprises its territory - surface terrain which is called Behere (Geez) - with defined and secured territorial borders and the population that it contains inside it. This is the text book definition of a state. Ethiopia is a prime example of such a state and nation because historically its population defines its identity which it calls Ethiopianess by reference to the territory of the country and not by reference to race, ethnic group or religion like most African countries. That is why the population always rally against any attack, by any foe, invading it from any corner of the country under its leader of any ethnic group. The Ethiopians have over the millennia developed their own distinctive culture and a written language and literature. You can tell Ethiopians by the way they prepare and eat their food, by the way they construct their dwellings, the way they dress, and the way they greet strangers. Hence Ethiopia is a cultural area and its peoples have a cultural identity which is characteristic of a nation.

Thus the notions of territorial state, cultural identity and Ethiopianess are all entwined. Its ancient boundaries, as Herodotus the Greek historian witnessed it from Ptolemy’s Egypt, extended as far the Indian Ocean. The historian Alem Eshete whose manuscript(1992) on the Italian design of carving out Eritrea and the so called colonial treaties which is the best documentary evidence on the subject that I know, gives in his recent piece that when Cambyses, King of Persia, sent out his spies with gifts to the king of Ethiopia, the spies came back with a knowledge of the territory and a message from the king of Ethiopia which Herodotus puts thus:

“But the Ethiopian king knew the men were spies and answered: ‘the king of Persia has not sent you with these presents because he puts a value upon being my friend. You have come to get information about my kingdom; therefore you are liars, and that king of yours is unjust. Had he any respect for what is right, he would not have coveted any other kingdom than his own nor made slaves of people who have done him no wrong. So take him this bow, and tell him that the king of Ethiopia has some advice to give him: when the Persians can draw a bow of this size thus easily, then let him raise an army of superior strength and invade the long-lived Ethiopians” ( BOOK THREE page 162, Herodotus)

This statement of the Ethiopian king tells the event of his time and in that very statement foretold the future course of Ethiopian history. Typically, the enemy sends out spies, seeks to recruit local allies against the Ethiopian state and finally invades, but Ethiopia hits back and drives out the enemy to where he came from. This is the consistent pattern in Ethiopian history. The present crises is an exception because Ethiopia has faced that no country has ever faced before: it is ruled by an outside agent.

I wish to give a picture where Ethiopia now stands in the context of its recent past. During the past one hundred years the territorial configuration of the Ethiopian State has passed three stages which I would characterize as the Menelik State (1896-1946) , the Haile Selassie State (1952-1991), and the Meles State (1991----? ). The following maps* show these three states in the context in which they were created. The territorial boundaries of the Menilik State were formed during the colonial partition of Africa. The map prepared by Ian Brownlie from his book on African Boundaries accurately depicts it in the context of the African colonization story. Following the Berlin Conference Africa was parceled out by the colonial powers. However, Ethiopian independence survived after the Battle of Adwa despite its loss of its Coastal territories to Italy, France and Great Britain.

The end of the Second World War brought about a new wave which reversed the European policy of colonialism conceived at the Berlin Conference. African liberation was supported by the Allies during which time Eritrea freely joined Ethiopia. Ethiopian ancient Red Sea boundaries were restored and Ethiopia regained full access to its Red Sea Coast. This was made possible by the Italian Peace Treaty of 1947 which renounced all rights to its former colony and the General Assembly Resolution which created the sovereignty of Ethiopia over its former territories ushered in the period of restoration of its Coastal territorial boundaries under Emperor Haile Selassie . This State is depicted in a post-colonial map of African Boundaries again by Ian Brownle as it stood in 1978 . As the second map by Ian Brownlie clearly shows, Ethiopian Sovereignty meant that the colonial boundaries between Ethiopia and Eritrea were abolished. This post-war State I would characterize as the Haile Selassie State which lasted from 1952 to 1991 until the fall of the Military Junta.

Since then Ethiopia is ruled by the EPDRF/TPLF. The war with Eritrea ending up in the Algiers Agreement of 12 December 2000 marks the birth of a new Ethiopian State permanently landlocked by a bi-lateral Treaty with Eritrea with new borders demarcated by Concrete Pillars and enforced by UN Peace Keepers. I would characterize this State as the Meles State. The third map in color marked with icons of pillars and peacekeepers vividly depicts the third territorial configuration which, short of a miracle, is the final shape of the so-called the new State of Ethiopia. This state is to be compared with the Menelik State on the one hand and contrasted with the Haile Selassie State on the other.

The external policy environments of the European powers predicating the formation of the Menelik and Haile Selassie States are respectively depicted in the respective African Boundary maps as the colonization of the 19th century following the Berlin Conference of the European powers, and the decolonization of Africa after the victory of the Allied Powers following the Second World War. This comparison and contrast bring out in sharp relief that the Meles State is being formed in the absence of an external global or African or regional factor which causes the Ethiopian historical and Coastal territories to be either colonized as in the 19th century or to cause the reversal of the Haile Selassie State formed in the aftermath of the Second World War.

In fact the Meles state is being formed in the Post-Cold War period where no exogenous policy environment is a decisive factor. So far as Eritrea is concerned, Ethiopia had decisively won the War. Moreover, it could not have lost the territories by peaceful means because it has the legal and historical rights to these territories. Meles Zenawi’s declaration that the colonial treaties are legal and binding does not wipe out the facts of history that they were in fact abolished. Meles and Meles alone is responsible for Ethiopia’s predicament and no one should blame the Eritreans.

I present this picture of the Ethiopian State lest there are people who have not heard or have not seen what Meles Zenawi had planned for years and had finally succeeded in achieving. He achieved in creating the Independence of his beloved Eritrea for which he fought for years, and as every Tigrayan mother knows by sheding the blood of Tigrayan youths in the battle fields of Eritrea against the Ethiopian army and in the Afar region against the Afar fighters who refused to lose their Ethiopian identity and nationality, and moreover by eliminating any one in Tigrai who opposed his Eritrean Policy of Session. And as if all that mercenary role were not enough, he has now signed a bilateral agreement with Eritrea (i.e. Algiers Agreement) which other nations will recognize it to be a national commitment by default, surrendering the historic territories of the Afar and Tigray regions of Ethiopia - historically outside Eritrea proper ie the highlands of Hamassien Seraye and Akeleguazai.

His ambition knows no limits in that he has finally created a colonialist State of Eritrea in the proper sense of the term where the goal is the acquisition of territory for Eritrean settlement by taking away the lands of the local populations, and by landlocking Ethiopia in order to establish a strategic control over it by Eritrea in the political, economic, trade, defense and foreign policy spheres so that hence forth any regime of Ethiopia will be a Puppet Regime of Eritrea. Can any one deny that this is an incredible, and bold achievement, unique of its kind in world history by an enemy who operates from within in utter contempt of the people which he rules? That is why all concerned patriotic Ethiopians are urging that this is not the time to “stand and stare” but to act by every available means possible to stop this menace before it devours all of us.


*The maps would be posted when our technical problems are fixed. - Ed.



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