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POLITICAL ANALYSIS
(Kahsay and Tesfay served the TPLF from 1975 till 1988 and 1976 till 1989 respectively.)
We have been writing about the TPLF, dealing only with two cardinal issues: the issue of democracy and that of national sovereignty. Although we have not yet finished publicising some parts of the series of our articles, we would like to present the sketch of the conclusion we want to arrive at. We tried to show that the dictatorial measures of purging taken by Meles against the ten (twelve minus two) top representatives of the TPLF at a stroke are neither new nor unique in the Front, by giving similar examples in the history of the TPLF.
Although the TPLF leadership has a tradition of liquidating, Purging, incarcerating and harassing its members the sheer number and the leading positions of the ten victims showed the nature of the TPLF in a dramatic way. It was not only the tyranny of Meles which manifested itself but also the inherent undemocratic nature of the TPLF. Meles did what he did because he knew that the slave-like members of the TPLF would accept whatever orders he gives them. Such members who live in fear of repression, who betray each other overnight and behave according to orders from above do not act with their own conscience. Although only a few cadres are likely to support Meles, the remaining members of the TPLF simply behave likewise, because they are conditioned to do so by bitter repressive experiences and a structural control mechanism. The EPRDF is only a physical enlargement of the TPLF. Therefore, the cadres, the party and government officials (with the exception of some individuals, like the former President Negasso), the army commanders (with some exceptions like General Tsadkan etc), and the judges as the beneficiaries and apologists or instruments of this undemocratic system are putting Meles' orders into practice.
Similarly, we mentioned the anti-Ethiopian manifesto of the TPLF (which declared the aim of the TPLF to be the independence of Tigray) while dealing with the issue of sovereignty to show that, what Tewolde and Co. opposed as an anti-Ethiopian position of the Meles clique during the war with Eritrea did not come all of a sudden. Meles and Sebhat, as the main protagonists as well as Abay and Seyoum as their followers had at least by the time they wrote the manifesto for the independence of Tigray from Ethiopia decided that Ethiopia is not their country. Once they reached this decision, they could not and did not, as a logical consequence, have a vision for Ethiopia. The TPLF army became so strong that Ethiopia fell into the hands the Meles clique, a clique that had no program for a sustainable economic development, the long-term interests and borders of Ethiopia.
We have, on the basis of the facts we have been disclosing reached some conclusions accompanied with corresponding proposals:
The policy of Revolutionary Democracy, as applied in Ethiopia is a system of Stalinist repression and control, the violation of human and democratic rights, a divide-and-rule policy on the basis of ethnicity, the erosion of Ethiopian sovereignty (like the act of reviving defunct colonial treaties), servility to foreign powers, the cheap manipulation of constitutional laws to serve personal interests and revenge (like the denial of the right to bail hastily prepared and retroactively directed against Siye etc. and the decree to control the activities of ex-presidents directed against Dr. Negasso). Therefore the Tewolde group has to clarify whether it distances itself from the Stalinist revolutionary democracy of Meles or not and contribute to transparency and enlightenment on the practice of the TPLF. It has furthermore to clarify its position as to whether it accepts the need for a conference for peace and reconciliation with all Ethiopian opposition forces or not.
The TPLF has always been undemocratic and harmful to Ethiopia. Notwithstanding the noble intention of tens of thousands of TPLF fighters who sacrificed their lives and whom we remember with respect, the TPLF has always been under the control of murderers. And no matter what positive roles the Front has played, the leadership has established such an undemocratic and an anti Ethiopian regime, that it has rendered the heavy sacrifices of its own members and the people useless. The TPLF grew to become militarily the strongest organisation in Ethiopia with heavy sacrifices paid by tens of thousands of men and women, it grew on our blood, sweat and efforts and on the financial and material support of many more Tigrayans.
The Meles clique, who determined the policy of the TPLF, has become the victor. This clique has never been willing to resolve internal or external conflicts peacefully, without resort to intrigues and/or bloodshed. The military wing of the leadership, which was always successful militarily has become the vanquished, because it was bogged down in an enslaving centralism, that it subordinated itself to Meles in the organisational structure and failed due to its tradition of destructive secrecy to expose Meles in front of the Ethiopian people including the army before it was too late. Many Ethiopians waited with zest for the course of action of the "pro sovereignty" wing of the TPLF during the war, but Meles was prepared for his private war and undeservedly reversed the situation to his advantage.
A closer look at the organisation reveals that the TPLF is like a private company of Meles. It is, as one of its former members put it, "a killing machine". All the sacrifices paid to remove an Ethiopian murderer were in vain, because the struggle ended up with the tyranny of an anti-Ethiopian murderer. The reign of Meles is like a humiliating blackout for a generation of Ethiopians in the history of the country. Despite our suffering in the struggle and in spite of our good intentions, we, by contributing to the fact that the traitorous clique headed by Meles came to power, did harm to the people of Ethiopia. We have, as a result, a feeling of guiltiness and shame.
The Tewolde/Siye group has also in this case to reappraise the goals of the Meles clique and the means used by it to control the TPLF which explains why the TPLF does not have a democratic tradition and that the anti-Ethiopian elements held key positions in the leadership of the TPLF from early on. The Tewolde/Siye group was still in power when the Algiers Agreement was reached on the basis of defunct and unjust colonial treaties, which deny Ethiopia an access to the sea. The dissidents revealed their concern for Ethiopia`s sovereignty in their recent article because, they say, Meles Zenawi did not try to make the best out of the so-called 1990, 1902 and 1908 treaties. They call on the Ethiopian people to share their concern. In actual fact, it is they who had one way or the other contributed to the erosion of Ethiopia’s sovereignty who must pledge to share the concern of the people. Sovereignty should not depend on treaties overtaken by history. Therefore it is high time that the group realises, that the question of sovereignty is not only a matter of gaining or losing a few square kilometres. The Imposition of fake solutions on the people can only exacerbate the problem
Now, Ethiopia is at a critical juncture in her history, at which her basic interest is at stake, because our country is under the reign of her enemies. The Struggle for Ethiopian Sovereignty and the reign of Meles are inseparably intertwined. Therefore Ethiopians have to wake up, wake up soon, bury their differences, stand as one person and rise up to get rid of Meles and preserve their sovereignty.
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