Ethio-Somali War: Whose war is this one anyways?
By Wondwossen (Seattle)
July 24, 2006
The governments of the two countries have a history of seeing each other as adversaries. Ethiopia and Somalia fought a fierce war in 1977, second since the war in 1964, after the later invaded the former. The then government of Somalia, lead by Said Bare, was defeated by the people of Ethiopia. At that time, Ethiopia was under the control of the dictatorial regime of Mengistu Hailemariam but the people did not hesitate to rally behind the government forces, as they have done through out their history, to repel the aggressor. Despite the heavy cost inflicted upon both nations, the war was widely regarded as a just war by most people in each country.
These two countries are governed by a succession of military forces who claim victory over their predecessors.
Since the falling apart of the central government in 1991, Somalia has seen several factions, probably more than its share. Several warlords and military forces have come and gone. Others are yet on their way in and out. Several attempts have been made to plant a central government in Somalia, almost all efforts mediated by third parties with direct or indirect interests in the region. None of the promises, including the interim government led by Abdullahi Yusuf, have materialized to date. Mr. Yusuf’s government is so weak that it is confined to the small town of Baidoa and depended, for its security, on its ally, Meles Zenawi’s government.
Yet in another twist of events, Mogadishu, the capital city of Somalia has recently fallen into the hands of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), a group that flushed out the warlords who have had a control over the capital for years. So far, Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, leader of the UIC has managed to bring calm to Mogadishu. However, the country at large is still far from stable.
Residents of Mogadishu have breathed a sigh of relief when the UIC captured the capital, mainly due to the relative peace they have been craving for since the down fall of Said Bare. Most, if not all, however, are not happy with the strings attached to the calmness they are about to enjoy: the new laws to be imposed by the Islamic group.
The transitional government in Baidoa, UIC and the warlords each claim to have legitimacy of leading the country. Obviously, there is a lot to be done for Somalia to stand on its foot let alone to conquer its neighbors.
On the other hand, Ethiopia itself is still in a political impasse between the minority party, EPRDF on one side and the major opposition parties on the other.
Following the 2005 election, most of the leaders of the strongest opposition party, Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) are in prison along with members of the free press and civil rights groups. The democratically elected leaders of the capital city Addis Ababa and other parliamentarians are all in jail to date. The public believes that the party now in power is there without the will of the people. In an attempt to crush opposition and the free press, EPRDF’s government rounded over 40,000 youth in a mass-arrest. Over 100 boys and girls shot to death on the streets of Addis Ababa and other cities all over the country only because they voiced their opinions. Currently, the self declared government of Meles Zenawi is under pressure both internally and externally by the children and few friends of the people of Ethiopia, all demanding EPRDF to accept its defeat in the ballot box and release all prisoners of conscience, the free press and civil rights groups.
It may sound theatrical that two groups with no legitimate right to represent the peoples of the respective countries beat their war drums now. But analysts familiar with the region’s politics believe something fishy is brewing and, even worse, at the expense of the innocent lives of the impoverished.
For Meles’ government, many believe, the unfolding development in Somalia is a wind-fall gain to accomplish its ill feted agenda in Ethiopia. A war against Somalia is an opportunity for Meles as it serves diffuse the internal pressures while giving it another chance to cement a friendship with the Bush administration.
Ethiopia's Minister of Information Berhan Hailu was quoted by AP as saying, "We have the responsibility to defend the border and the Somali government. We will crush them." Who are the “we” and “crush” who and why?
The self appointed Ethiopian government sees the transitional government in Somalia as its own foster child and acts as its babysitter. At the same time, it talks the talks of the American government to be seen as an indispensable ally against terrorism in the Horn of Africa. Meles’ government sent its troops to central Somalia with a pretext of protecting the fragile interim government sitting in Baidoa against attacks from the UIC.
Many argue, had protecting the transitional government of Somalia been a legitimate cause, one expects the United Nations’ ratification and that would involve sending multi-national forces to that effect. In fact, even the African Unity, a regional group many Africans regard as a gathering of dictators, has neither supported nor endorsed the act by Ethiopia. No surprise if Somalis regard this act of intrusion in their internal matters as an invasion.
The UIC has proved, right from the onset that it is doomed to fail. It has been hinting mixed signals of its association with the terrorist group, al Quaida. The leader of UIC, Mr. Aweys, who was also the leader of the regional terrorist group, al Ithad al Islamia has now declared Jihad (wholly war) against Ethiopia, something that provokes all Ethiopians no matter who controls the palace in Addis.
In a recent interview with Newsweek, Mr. Aweys declared that all regions in neighboring countries where the major occupants are Somalis belong to the territories of Somalia. Specifically, he made it clear that Ogaden, the Eastern part of Ethiopia, belongs to Somalia. This is an area sensitive to most Ethiopians and Somalis alike. This issue remembers millions of peoples on both sides of their memories of sufferings through the years dating back to the 1960s.
It is interesting to note, however, that the other countries who have received a similar threat of territorial claim by UIC have not reacted to the outdated slogan of the “Greater Somalia.” Neighboring Djibouti and Kenya share the same concern as they border with that country and are lands for Somalis of their own as well. But neither has taken the matter as seriously as Ethiopia appears to have.
Both Ethiopians and Somalis know, as much as the governments of Djibouti and Kenya, that the UIC is not a government of Somalia, thus with no mandate and ability to invade Ethiopia. So, one asks, is the pretext and overreaction by Meles’ government hence uncalled for?
Not surprisingly, America is not happy with the victory of UIC. America suspects UIC and its leader of connections with Osama bin Laden’s terror groups. The UIC is accused also of harboring terrorists. America and its allies have long feared that Somalia might slide into what is commonly known as another front in the war on terror. Nonetheless, at this moment, aside from monitoring the situation from its base in Djibouti, America does not have the appetite for opening another war front, let alone, of all the places, in Somalia. When the front involves countries such as Ethiopia, however, fighting the war by proxy is of an all time high priority and urgency.
For the rulers of Ethiopia, this means winning the hearts and minds of the US government officials. The attention by the skewed Western media is another gain. Above all, the matter is timely and of high priority for the regime in Addis Ababa because Meles needs to win its war with Ethio-Americans in the US over the human rights bill, HR 5680 (Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy, and Human Rights Advancement Act of 2006,) which several people including Americans across party lines see as the only meaningful bill submitted to the house for Ethiopia to date. By volunteering itself for a proxy war against UIC, the Meles’ regime is hoping to enjoy a tit-for-tat from the US government.
The other active party in this drama is Ethiopia’s neighbor to the North, Eritrea. The fact that Eritrea is a staunch supporter of UIC is not secret any more. Analysts believe that Eritrea is supporting the group and even encourages it to go to war with Ethiopia in an attempt to pull Ethiopian forces from its borders. Ethiopia fought an old style trench war with Eritrea at a cost of over 70,000 lives in both sides in the years 1998-2000. The war was over a piece of land bordering the two countries and which Eritrea claimed ownership of - a matter still pending settlement.
Time and again, Meles Zenawi has accused Eritrea of meddling in Ethiopia’s internal affairs. For reasons not clear to many Ethiopians, he even labeled Eritrea’s leader, Issayias Afewerki as a treat to the region’s peace and stability. Years after the war that did not attempt to threaten the government in Asmara, EPRDF still accuses Issayias of inciting violence. Ethiopians do not seem to buy the EPRDF’s propaganda as they are suspicious of its intent in the first place.
If war with a group in Somalia means pulling Ethiopia’s armed forces from the Eritrean border where thousands died in vain, the rush for intrusion remains unclear.
It may be days before the imminent war between Meles’ led forces and UIC takes the lives of Ethiopians and Somalis but it will take years and several innocent lives before anyone understands the true story behind the war.
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July 24, 2006
The governments of the two countries have a history of seeing each other as adversaries. Ethiopia and Somalia fought a fierce war in 1977, second since the war in 1964, after the later invaded the former. The then government of Somalia, lead by Said Bare, was defeated by the people of Ethiopia. At that time, Ethiopia was under the control of the dictatorial regime of Mengistu Hailemariam but the people did not hesitate to rally behind the government forces, as they have done through out their history, to repel the aggressor. Despite the heavy cost inflicted upon both nations, the war was widely regarded as a just war by most people in each country.
These two countries are governed by a succession of military forces who claim victory over their predecessors.
Since the falling apart of the central government in 1991, Somalia has seen several factions, probably more than its share. Several warlords and military forces have come and gone. Others are yet on their way in and out. Several attempts have been made to plant a central government in Somalia, almost all efforts mediated by third parties with direct or indirect interests in the region. None of the promises, including the interim government led by Abdullahi Yusuf, have materialized to date. Mr. Yusuf’s government is so weak that it is confined to the small town of Baidoa and depended, for its security, on its ally, Meles Zenawi’s government.
Yet in another twist of events, Mogadishu, the capital city of Somalia has recently fallen into the hands of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), a group that flushed out the warlords who have had a control over the capital for years. So far, Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, leader of the UIC has managed to bring calm to Mogadishu. However, the country at large is still far from stable.
Residents of Mogadishu have breathed a sigh of relief when the UIC captured the capital, mainly due to the relative peace they have been craving for since the down fall of Said Bare. Most, if not all, however, are not happy with the strings attached to the calmness they are about to enjoy: the new laws to be imposed by the Islamic group.
The transitional government in Baidoa, UIC and the warlords each claim to have legitimacy of leading the country. Obviously, there is a lot to be done for Somalia to stand on its foot let alone to conquer its neighbors.
On the other hand, Ethiopia itself is still in a political impasse between the minority party, EPRDF on one side and the major opposition parties on the other.
Following the 2005 election, most of the leaders of the strongest opposition party, Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) are in prison along with members of the free press and civil rights groups. The democratically elected leaders of the capital city Addis Ababa and other parliamentarians are all in jail to date. The public believes that the party now in power is there without the will of the people. In an attempt to crush opposition and the free press, EPRDF’s government rounded over 40,000 youth in a mass-arrest. Over 100 boys and girls shot to death on the streets of Addis Ababa and other cities all over the country only because they voiced their opinions. Currently, the self declared government of Meles Zenawi is under pressure both internally and externally by the children and few friends of the people of Ethiopia, all demanding EPRDF to accept its defeat in the ballot box and release all prisoners of conscience, the free press and civil rights groups.
It may sound theatrical that two groups with no legitimate right to represent the peoples of the respective countries beat their war drums now. But analysts familiar with the region’s politics believe something fishy is brewing and, even worse, at the expense of the innocent lives of the impoverished.
For Meles’ government, many believe, the unfolding development in Somalia is a wind-fall gain to accomplish its ill feted agenda in Ethiopia. A war against Somalia is an opportunity for Meles as it serves diffuse the internal pressures while giving it another chance to cement a friendship with the Bush administration.
Ethiopia's Minister of Information Berhan Hailu was quoted by AP as saying, "We have the responsibility to defend the border and the Somali government. We will crush them." Who are the “we” and “crush” who and why?
The self appointed Ethiopian government sees the transitional government in Somalia as its own foster child and acts as its babysitter. At the same time, it talks the talks of the American government to be seen as an indispensable ally against terrorism in the Horn of Africa. Meles’ government sent its troops to central Somalia with a pretext of protecting the fragile interim government sitting in Baidoa against attacks from the UIC.
Many argue, had protecting the transitional government of Somalia been a legitimate cause, one expects the United Nations’ ratification and that would involve sending multi-national forces to that effect. In fact, even the African Unity, a regional group many Africans regard as a gathering of dictators, has neither supported nor endorsed the act by Ethiopia. No surprise if Somalis regard this act of intrusion in their internal matters as an invasion.
The UIC has proved, right from the onset that it is doomed to fail. It has been hinting mixed signals of its association with the terrorist group, al Quaida. The leader of UIC, Mr. Aweys, who was also the leader of the regional terrorist group, al Ithad al Islamia has now declared Jihad (wholly war) against Ethiopia, something that provokes all Ethiopians no matter who controls the palace in Addis.
In a recent interview with Newsweek, Mr. Aweys declared that all regions in neighboring countries where the major occupants are Somalis belong to the territories of Somalia. Specifically, he made it clear that Ogaden, the Eastern part of Ethiopia, belongs to Somalia. This is an area sensitive to most Ethiopians and Somalis alike. This issue remembers millions of peoples on both sides of their memories of sufferings through the years dating back to the 1960s.
It is interesting to note, however, that the other countries who have received a similar threat of territorial claim by UIC have not reacted to the outdated slogan of the “Greater Somalia.” Neighboring Djibouti and Kenya share the same concern as they border with that country and are lands for Somalis of their own as well. But neither has taken the matter as seriously as Ethiopia appears to have.
Both Ethiopians and Somalis know, as much as the governments of Djibouti and Kenya, that the UIC is not a government of Somalia, thus with no mandate and ability to invade Ethiopia. So, one asks, is the pretext and overreaction by Meles’ government hence uncalled for?
Not surprisingly, America is not happy with the victory of UIC. America suspects UIC and its leader of connections with Osama bin Laden’s terror groups. The UIC is accused also of harboring terrorists. America and its allies have long feared that Somalia might slide into what is commonly known as another front in the war on terror. Nonetheless, at this moment, aside from monitoring the situation from its base in Djibouti, America does not have the appetite for opening another war front, let alone, of all the places, in Somalia. When the front involves countries such as Ethiopia, however, fighting the war by proxy is of an all time high priority and urgency.
For the rulers of Ethiopia, this means winning the hearts and minds of the US government officials. The attention by the skewed Western media is another gain. Above all, the matter is timely and of high priority for the regime in Addis Ababa because Meles needs to win its war with Ethio-Americans in the US over the human rights bill, HR 5680 (Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy, and Human Rights Advancement Act of 2006,) which several people including Americans across party lines see as the only meaningful bill submitted to the house for Ethiopia to date. By volunteering itself for a proxy war against UIC, the Meles’ regime is hoping to enjoy a tit-for-tat from the US government.
The other active party in this drama is Ethiopia’s neighbor to the North, Eritrea. The fact that Eritrea is a staunch supporter of UIC is not secret any more. Analysts believe that Eritrea is supporting the group and even encourages it to go to war with Ethiopia in an attempt to pull Ethiopian forces from its borders. Ethiopia fought an old style trench war with Eritrea at a cost of over 70,000 lives in both sides in the years 1998-2000. The war was over a piece of land bordering the two countries and which Eritrea claimed ownership of - a matter still pending settlement.
Time and again, Meles Zenawi has accused Eritrea of meddling in Ethiopia’s internal affairs. For reasons not clear to many Ethiopians, he even labeled Eritrea’s leader, Issayias Afewerki as a treat to the region’s peace and stability. Years after the war that did not attempt to threaten the government in Asmara, EPRDF still accuses Issayias of inciting violence. Ethiopians do not seem to buy the EPRDF’s propaganda as they are suspicious of its intent in the first place.
If war with a group in Somalia means pulling Ethiopia’s armed forces from the Eritrean border where thousands died in vain, the rush for intrusion remains unclear. It may be days before the imminent war between Meles’ led forces and UIC takes the lives of Ethiopians and Somalis but it will take years and several innocent lives before anyone understands the true story behind the war.
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© COPYRIGHT 20001-2006ETHIOMEDIA.COM. EMAIL: webmaster@ethiomedia.com
