It is the
privilege of those who give to pity those who receive. One of the great
indignities of being a perennial object of charity and handouts is the
perception by those lending a hand that handout recipients are not only moneyless
and helpless but also hopeless and clueless about what they need to do to help
themselves. Well-intentioned donors and benefactors often mistakenly assume
that recipients of charity should “ask what the world can do for them, and not
what they can do for themselves.” But history shows that all societies that
have succeeded economically, socially and politically had to pull themselves up
by their bootstraps with a little help from friends. Ethiopians are no
exception; they must do all of the heavy lifting by themselves if they are to
permanently cast off the burdens of poverty, famine, disease, dictatorship and
corruption. What should Ethiopians do to save themselves?
Ten
Things Ethiopians Can Do to Help Themselves [1]
It is
all about humanity, community and civility, NOT ethnicity, nationality,
sovereignty, animosity or disunity.
If
Ethiopians have a chance of overcoming their enormous economic and political
problems, they must first make fundamental choices. They can choose the
politics of their common humanity and collectively build a harmonious civil
community, or remain trapped in the dungeon of identity politics and become
pawns in the ethnic chess game of uber-dictator Meles Zenawi. If Ethiopians
affirm their common humanity, they will see that human rights abuses do not
have an ethnic face, nor poverty a nationality. They
will understand religion is not a weapon of animosity but a way to divinity.
National disunity will never produce prosperity, but it will surely keep the
people in perpetual poverty. Ethnicity and identity add diversity in a genuine
democratic system. Under a dictatorship, they become powerful tools of
dehumanization breeding fear, hatred and distrust among the people. Ethiopians
must choose to climb up and steer the Ship of Ethiopia into the horizon or
remain lost in their ethnic boats on a sea of tyranny, poverty and famine. That
is why I believe Ethiopians need a new unifying civic ideology that transcends
ethnicity, gender, nationality, religion, language and other classifications
susceptible to insidious use. Ethiopians inside the country and in the Diaspora
must build a civic culture based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
(UDHR), the most translated document in the world. If the values of the UDHR
are widely accepted and practiced, Ethiopia will be able to overcome poverty,
famine and internal division and achieve prosperity and greatness within a
generation.
Ethiopians
must become a little bit utopian.
Ethiopia
is today a dystopia-- a society that writhes under a dictatorship that trashes
human rights and decimates all opposition ruthlessly. Last year, Zenawi told two high level U.S. Government officials what
he will do to his opposition: “We will crush
them with our full force.” All Ethiopians, regardless of ethnicity,
language, religion, class or region must be able to imagine an Ethiopia where
no petty tyrant will ever have the power or even the audacity to say he will
“crush” another fellow citizen, or has the ability to use “full force” against
any person just because he can. Ethiopians must be able to dream of a future
free of ethnic strife, famine and oppression; and strive to work together for a
little utopia in Ethiopia where might is NOT right but the rule of law shields
the defenseless poor and voiceless against the slings and arrows of the
criminally rich and powerful. It is true that Utopians aspire for the perfect
society, but Ethiopians should aspire and work collectively for a society in
which human rights are respected, the voice of the people are heard and
accepted (not stolen), those to whom power is
entrusted perform their duties with transparency and are held accountable to
the law and people.
Learn
from the past, prepare for the future.
More often
than not, many Ethiopians tend to dwell on the past than imagining an
alternative future. The past is a great teacher; we must learn from past
mistakes and do things better and differently. But the past can also be a
mental prison. Zenawi always reminds us how we have
been wicked to each other in the past and waxes eloquent on the alleged crimes,
cruelty and inhumanity of long gone kings and princes. He never tires to tell
us how this king, that aristocrat or soldier has been cruel and barbaric. He
thinks he can make himself angelic by demonizing past leaders. Perhaps he does
not see it, but when one points an index finger outwards, three fingers are
pointing inwards. The moral lesson is that we need to find a way out of the
mental prison of past grievances and liberate our minds with a new civic
ideology to embrace a brave new democratic Ethiopia under the rule of law. As
the old saying goes, “One can’t drive forward on the road of life if one is
fixed looking in the rear view mirror.” So, we have to make another simple
choice: Live in the past chewing on the cud of historical grievances or hold
hands, learn from the past and put our collective shoulders to the grindstone
and forge a new Ethiopia. If we fail to do that, those who cling to power will
entrench and enrich themselves and laugh at the rest of us who remain trapped
in the dungeons of our historical grievances.
No
country or society ever got prosperity by begging or receiving alms.
No country
or society ever got prosperity by begging or receiving alms. But recent
evidence from Wikileaks cablegrams shows that Zenawi plans to bulldoze his way into economic development
at an annual growth rate of 15 percent by panhandling the West. According
to U.S. Assistant Secretary of Treasury Andy Baukol,
the “Government of Ethiopia (GoE) has become more
vocal about its need for sustained aid flows from the West and more
recalcitrant about implementing any reforms or liberalization of key sectors
such as banking and telecommunications.” A recent IMF report, which Zenawi wants kept hidden from public scrutiny, concluded
that Ethiopia’s “macroeconomic performance has deteriorated markedly” because
of loose monetary policy which has fueled stratospheric inflation and mindless
government control and regulations which have undermined confidence in the
private sector.
Foreign
aid as a development vehicle has been thoroughly discredited. As Dambissa Moyo has argued, the
“evidence overwhelmingly demonstrates that aid to Africa has made the poor
poorer, and the growth slower. The insidious aid culture has left African
countries more debt-laden, more inflation-prone, more vulnerable to the
vagaries of the currency markets and more unattractive to higher-quality
investment.” Countries that have achieved rapid economic development have
managed to create favorable politico-legal environments for business, industry
and commerce, maintained low state debt and accumulated substantial fiscal
reserves to meet emergency needs. The spirit of official mendicancy in Ethiopia
must be replaced by a public spirit of unfettered entrepreneurship.
As long
as Ethiopia remains under a dictatorship, there will always be famine, and not
just of food.
Western
aid bureaucrats like to sugarcoat the famine in Ethiopia in the politically
correct bureaucratese of “extreme malnutrition”, “food crises”, “green drought”
and so on. Interestingly, in a recent official blog and testimony before the
U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee former U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia
Donald Yamamoto and presently Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State
acknowledged “famine [is] spreading across the Horn of Africa.” That should not
come as a surprise as Yamamoto had long concluded that Ethiopia is trapped in a
permanent and unbreakable cycle of famine and starvation.
In
a recently released Wikileaks cablegram,Yamamoto advised his superiors: “Ethiopia's
perennial emergency food dependence is, de facto, a permanent condition.” He
outlined that the U.S. has three choices in light of the permanence of famine
in the Ethiopian political economy: 1) “continue to provide massive food aid,
which is unsustainable, in meeting Ethiopia's permanent state of emergency food
need each year,” 2) “provide significantly greater assistance for sustainable
agricultural productivity”, or 3) “robustly to push for a shift in economic and
agricultural policies (regarding land tenure, agricultural technologies and
practices, agricultural inputs, etc.) to increase domestic agricultural
productivity.” The bottom line is that as long as Ethiopia remains in the
chokehold of the current dictatorship, there will always be a famine not only
of food but also of democracy, human rights, rule of law, accountability,
transparency and vision. Western donors must stop supporting oppression, corruption,
persecution and repression in famine-stricken Ethiopia.
Plant
and water the seeds of genuine multiparty democracy on the parched landscape of
famine.
It is
oft-repeated that “there has never been a famine in a functioning multi-party
democracy” with a robust free press. In a competitive multi-party political
process, there is a much higher degree of political and electoral
accountability. A government that ignores or fails to prevent famine is surely
destined to lose power. A free press will mobilize public opinion for official
and civic action to deal with the problem. Multiparty democracy does not mean
the six dozen ethno-tribal “parties” organized by the Zenawi
dictatorship to serve as a Tower of Babel and facilitate its divide and rule
strategy. It does mean the functioning of political organizations that compete
for electoral support and have appeal across ethnic, linguistic, religious and
regional lines. Ethiopia can learn a great lesson from Ghana in this regard in
light of shared socio-economic and political experiences. Article 55 (4) of the
Ghanaian Constitution expressly mandates political parties to have “national
character”: “Every political party shall have a national character, and
membership shall not be based on ethnic, religious, regional or other sectional
divisions.” Any multiparty system to be established in Ethiopia must be
guided by such constitutional language.
Ethiopia’s
youth are the flowers of today and the seeds of hope tomorrow.
The old
Ethiopian saying that the “youth are the flowers of today and the seeds of
tomorrow” is true. They need to be carefully cultivated and grown. But the the data on these seeds of hope are discouraging.
Forty
six percent of Ethiopia’s 91 million population in
2011 is estimated to be under the age of 18. UNICEF estimates that malnutrition
is responsible for more than half of all deaths among children under age five.
An estimated 5 million children are orphans, a little less than one-fifths from
AIDS. Urban youth unemployment is estimated at 70 per cent. The vast majority
of Ethiopian adolescents live in rural areas. Some regions in the country have
extremely high rates of early marriage. Frustrated and in despair of their
future, many urban youths drop out of school and engage in risky behaviors
including drug, alcohol and tobacco abuse, crime and delinquency. The ruling
dictatorship’s youth, sports and culture agency concedes that youth issues have
been long neglected: “In Ethiopia, because of the fact that proper attention
has not been given to addressing youth issues and their organizations,
therefore, mutual cooperation and networking among youth, family, society,
other partners and government had hardly been created.” Much needs to be done
to give Ethiopia’s youth hope in the future. Whatever is to be done to help the
youth, the starting point must necessarily be a de-marginalization of youth
through an explicit acknowledgement of their role in solving problems affecting
them. They must be included in all decision-making concerning youth issues and
consulted extensively in the policy planning and implementation stages. The
bottom line is that without the youth, Ethiopia has no future. Those who ignore
the youth should understand that hungry children grow to be angry children and
a ticking demographic time bomb.
Empower
Ethiopian women.
Birtukan Midekssa,
Ethiopia's foremost political prisoner until her release last year and first
woman political party leader in Ethiopian history,
enjoyed talking about an allegorical ‘future country of Ethiopia’ that would
become an African oasis of democracy and a bastion of human rights and the rule
of law in the continent. In Birtukan's ‘future
Ethiopia’ women and men would live not only as equals under the law, but also
work together to create a progressive and compassionate society in which women
are free from domestic violence and sexual exploitation, have access to
adequate health and maternal care and are provided education to free them from
culturally-enforced ignorance, submissiveness and subjugation. But if the
situation of women in the ‘present country of Ethiopia’ is any indication, Birtukans “future country” is in deep trouble.
The 2000
US State Department Human Rights Country Report on Ethiopia described the
status of women in appallingly disheartening terms: “The Constitution provides for
the equality of women; however, these provisions often are not applied in
practice… Discriminatory regulations in the civil code include recognizing the
husband as the legal head of the family and designating him as the sole
guardian of children over five years old. Domestic violence is not considered a
serious justification under the law to obtain a divorce. Irrespective of the
number of years the marriage has existed, the number of children raised and the
joint property, the woman is entitled to only 3 months' financial support
should the relationship end.”
The
2010 US. State
Department Human Rights Country Report on Ethiopia described the status of
women in similar stark terms: “The constitution provides women the same rights
and protections as men. Harmful Traditional Practices (HTPs) such as FGM
(female genital mutilation), abduction, and rape are explicitly criminalized;
however, enforcement of these laws lagged. Women and girls experienced
gender-based violence daily, but it was underreported due to shame, fear, or a
victim's ignorance of legal protections. Domestic violence, including spousal
abuse, was a pervasive social problem. The 2005 Demographic and Health Survey
found that 81 percent of women believed a husband had a right to beat his wife.
Sexual harassment was widespread [and] harassment-related laws were not
enforced.”
The
current dictatorship in Ethiopia manifested its latent misogyny not only by
giving lip service to women’s issues but also by dehumanizing the symbol of
women in Ethiopia, young Birtukan Midekssa.
During her incarceration, the U.S. Government regarded Birtukan
a political prisoner because she was imprisoned for her political beliefs as
did all other major international human rights organizations. But Zenawi threw Birtukan straight
into solitary confinement after arresting her on the streets, and boasted to
the world: "There will never be an agreement with anybody to release Birtukan. Ever. Full
stop. That's a dead issue." He later literally added insult to
injury by mocking her that she was in “perfect condition” in solitary
confinement and was eating and sitting around idly and likely to “have gained a
few kilos”.
Ethiopian
women need to be empowered in all spheres of life. But without young women
leaders like Birtukan who can fight for Ethiopian
democracy and human rights, and women’s rights, talk of improving the status of
women in Ethiopia is a mockery of women.
Only
Ethiopians can save themselves.
Ethiopians
should know that the West and its billions in aid and loans will help but not
save them from a famine of food and democracy. Ethiopians in the Diaspora can
help by becoming the voice of Ethiopia’s voiceless. But only Ethiopians can
save themselves from famine, poverty, dictatorship and division. Only they can
solve their problems by creating common cause, building consensus and forging
genuine brotherhood and sisterhood among themselves regardless of ethnicity or
other factors. Only when they are able to forge unity of purpose and are
irrevocably committed to democracy and the rule of law will they be able to
cast off the boots of dictatorship from their necks. There is no need to look
for answers to what troubles Ethiopia in Washington, D.C., London, Bonn or
Beijing. The solution for Ethiopia’s problems is in Ethiopia.
Give
hope. Always keep hope alive.
The old
saying is true that “Man can live about forty days without food, about three
days without water, about eight minutes without air, but only for one second
without hope.” When dictators swagger arrogantly to show the people that they
are omnipotent, omnipresent and omniscient, they are telling them they have no
hope. Their message is the same as the one inscribed on the gates of Dante’s
Inferno: “Abandon all hope, ye who enter here.” But Ethiopians must never
abandon hope. To abandon hope is to lose faith in Ethiopia’s children. When the
dictators say, “Look how powerful we are. Give up!”,
hope says “keep on keeping on. Tyrants for a time seem invincible but in the
end, they always fall.” As Martin L. King said, “We are now experiencing the
darkest hour which is just before the dawn of freedom and human dignity.” That
is why it is important to keep hope alive in Ethiopia.
Tyrants
always fall, but what happens the morning after?
Gandhi
spoke an eternal truth: “There have been tyrants and murderers and for a time
they seem invincible but in the end, they always fall -- think of it, ALWAYS.”
In just the past few months, Ben Ali fell in Tunisia; Hosni Mubarak fell and is
standing trial in Egypt. Moammar Gadhafi fell and is
hiding out in a spider hole somewhere in southern Libya. Bashir Al-Assad is
teetering as he continues to butcher Syrians who have kept up the pressure
through acts of mass civil disobedience. He too will fall. The question is
never, never whether tyrants fall. The question is always, always what happens
after they fall!
1This
commentary builds upon my set of ten reasons to questions posed by Time
Magazine nearly a quarter of a century ago: “Why are Ethiopians starving again? and
“What should the world do and not do” to help them?
---
Previous
commentaries by the author are available at: www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/
and http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/